Plato: Republic Book 8

[543a]

Socrates

“Very good. We are agreed then, Glaucon, that the state which is to achieve the height of good government must have community1 of wives and children and all education, and also that the pursuits of men and women must be the same in peace and war, and that the rulers or kings2 over them3 are to be those who have approved themselves the best in both war and philosophy.” “We are agreed,” he said. “And we further granted this, [543b] that when the rulers are established in office they shall conduct these soldiers and settle them in habitations4 such as we described, that have nothing private for anybody but are common for all, and in addition to such habitations we agreed, if you remember, what should be the nature of their possessions.5” “Why, yes, I remember,” he said, “that we thought it right that none of them should have anything that ordinary men6 now possess, but that, being as it were athletes7 [543c] of war and guardians, they should receive from the others as pay8 for their guardianship each year their yearly sustenance, and devote their entire attention to the care of themselves and the state.” “That is right,” I said. “But now that we have finished this topic let us recall the point at which we entered on the digression9 that has brought us here, so that we may proceed on our way again by the same path.” “That is easy,” he said; “for at that time, almost exactly as now, on the supposition that you had finished the description of the city, you were going on to say10 that you assumed such a city [543d] as you then described and the corresponding type of man to be good, and that too though, as it appears, you had a still finer city and type of man to tell of; [544a] but at any rate you were saying that the others are aberrations,11 if this city is right. But regarding the other constitutions, my recollection is that you said there were four species12 worth speaking of13 and observing their defects14 and the corresponding types of men, in order that when we had seen them all and come to an agreement about the best and the worst man, we might determine whether the best is the happiest and the worst most wretched or whether it is otherwise.15 And when I was asking what were [544b] the four constitutions you had in mind, Polemarchus and Adeimantus thereupon broke in, and that was how you took up the discussion again and brought to this point.16” “Your memory is most exact,” I said. “A second time then, as in a wrestling-match, offer me the same hold,17 and when I repeat my question try to tell me what you were then about to say.” “I will if I can,” said I. “And indeed,” said he, “I am eager myself to hear what four forms of government you meant.” [544c] “There will be no difficulty about that,” said I. “For those I mean are precisely those that have names18 in common usage: that which the many praised,19 your20 Cretan and Spartan constitution; and the second in place and in honor, that which is called oligarchy, a constitution teeming with many ills, and its sequent counterpart and opponent, democracy ; and then the noble21 tyranny surpassing them all, the fourth and final malady22 of a state. [544d] Can you mention any other type23 of government, I mean any other that constitutes a distinct species24? For, no doubt, there are hereditary principalities25 and purchased26 kingships, and similar intermediate constitutions which one could find in even greater numbers among the barbarians than among the Greeks.27” “Certainly many strange ones are reported,” he said.

“Are you aware, then,” said I, “that there must be as many types of character among men as there are forms of government28? Or do you suppose that constitutions spring from the proverbial oak or rock29 and not from the characters30 of the citizens, [544e] which, as it were, by their momentum and weight in the scales31 draw other things after them?” “They could not possibly come from any other source,” he said. “Then if the forms of government are five, the patterns of individual souls must be five also.” “Surely.” “Now we have already described the man corresponding to aristocracy32 or the government of the best, whom we aver to be the truly good and just man.” [545a] “We have.” “Must we not, then, next after this, survey the inferior types, the man who is contentious and covetous of honor,33 corresponding to the Laconian constitution, and the oligarchical man in turn, and the democratic and the tyrant, in order that,34 after observing the most unjust of all, we may oppose him to the most just, and complete our inquiry as to the relation of pure justice and pure injustice in respect of the happiness and unhappiness of the possessor, so that we may either follow the counsel of Thrasymachus and pursue injustice [545b] or the present argument and pursue justice?” “Assuredly,” he said, “that is what we have to do.35” “Shall we, then, as we began by examining moral qualities in states before individuals, as being more manifest there, so now consider first the constitution based on the love of honor? I do not know of any special name36 for it in use. We must call it either timocracy37 or timarchy. And then in connection with this [545c] we will consider the man of that type, and thereafter oligarchy and the oligarch, and again, fixing our eyes on democracy, we will contemplate the democratic man: and fourthly, after coming to the city ruled by a tyrant and observing it, we will in turn take a look into the tyrannical soul,38 and so try to make ourselves competent judges39 of the question before us.” “That would be at least40 a systematic and consistent way of conducting the observation and the decision,” he said.

“Come, then,” said I, “let us try to tell in what way a timocracy would arise out of an aristocracy. [545d] Or is this the simple and unvarying rule, that in every form of government revolution takes its start from the ruling class itself,41 when dissension arises in that, but so long as it is at one with itself, however small it be, innovation is impossible?” “Yes, that is so.” “How, then, Glaucon,” I said, “will disturbance arise in our city, and how will our helpers and rulers fall out and be at odds with one another and themselves? Shall we, like Homer, invoke the Muses42 to tell “‘how faction first fell upon them,’”Hom. Il. 1.6 [545e] and say that these goddesses playing with us and teasing us as if we were children address us in lofty, mock-serious tragic43 style?” [546a] “How?” “Somewhat in this fashion. Hard in truth44 it is for a state thus constituted to be shaken and disturbed; but since for everything that has come into being destruction is appointed,45 not even such a fabric as this will abide for all time, but it shall surely be dissolved, and this is the manner of its dissolution. Not only for plants that grow from the earth but also for animals that live upon it there is a cycle of bearing and barrenness46 for soul and body as often as the revolutions of their orbs come full circle, in brief courses for the short-lived and oppositely for the opposite; but the laws of prosperous birth or infertility for your race, [546b] the men you have bred to be your rulers will not for all their wisdom ascertain by reasoning combined with sensation,47 but they will escape them, and there will be a time when they will beget children out of season. Now for divine begettings there is a period comprehended by a perfect number,48 and for mortal by the first in which augmentations dominating and dominated when they have attained to three distances and four limits of the assimilating and the dissimilating, the waxing and the waning, render all things conversable49 and commensurable [546c] with one another, whereof a basal four-thirds wedded to the pempad yields two harmonies at the third augmentation, the one the product of equal factors taken one hundred times, the other of equal length one way but oblong,—one dimension of a hundred numbers determined by the rational diameters of the pempad lacking one in each case, or of the irrational50 lacking two; the other dimension of a hundred cubes of the triad. And this entire geometrical number is determinative of this thing, of better and inferior births. [546d] And when your guardians, missing this, bring together brides and bridegrooms unseasonably,51 the offspring will not be well-born or fortunate. Of such offspring the previous generation will establish the best, to be sure, in office, but still these, being unworthy, and having entered in turn52 into the powers of their fathers, will first as guardians begin to neglect us, paying too little heed to music53 and then to gymnastics, so that our young men will deteriorate in their culture; and the rulers selected from them [546e] will not approve themselves very efficient guardians for testing [547a] Hesiod's and our races of gold, silver, bronze and iron.54 And this intermixture of the iron with the silver and the bronze with the gold will engender unlikeness55 and an unharmonious unevenness, things that always beget war and enmity wherever they arise. “‘Of this lineage, look you,’”Hom. Il. 6.211 we must aver the dissension to be, wherever it occurs and always.” “‘And rightly too,’” he said, “we shall affirm that the Muses answer.” “They must needs,” I said, “since they are56 Muses.” [547b] “Well, then,” said he, “what do the Muses say next?” “When strife arose,” said I, “the two groups were pulling against each other, the iron and bronze towards money-making and the acquisition of land and houses and gold and silver, and the other two, the golden and silvern, not being poor, but by nature rich in their souls,57 were trying to draw them back to virtue and their original constitution, and thus, striving and contending against one another, they compromised58 on the plan of distributing and taking for themselves the land and the houses, [547c] enslaving and subjecting as perioeci and serfs59 their former friends60 and supporters, of whose freedom they had been the guardians, and occupying themselves with war and keeping watch over these subjects.” “I think,” he said, “that this is the starting-point of the transformation.” “Would not this polity, then,” said I, “be in some sort intermediate between aristocracy and oligarchy ?” “By all means.”

“By this change, then, it would arise. But after the change [547d] what will be its way of life? Is it not obvious that in some things it will imitate the preceding polity, in some the oligarchy, since it is intermediate, and that it will also have some qualities peculiar to itself?” “That is so,” he said. “Then in honoring its rulers and in the abstention of its warrior class from farming61 and handicraft and money-making in general, and in the provision of common public tables62 and the devotion to physical training and expertness in the game and contest of war—in all these traits it will copy the preceding state?” “Yes.” “But in its fear [547e] to admit clever men to office, since the men it has of this kind are no longer simple63 and strenuous but of mixed strain, and in its inclining rather to the more high-spirited and simple-minded type, who are better suited for war [548a] than for peace, and in honoring the stratagems and contrivances of war and occupying itself with war most of the time—in these respects for the most part its qualities will be peculiar to itself?” “Yes.” “Such men,” said I, “will be avid of wealth, like those in an oligarchy, and will cherish a fierce secret lust for gold64 and silver, owning storehouses65 and private treasuries where they may hide them away, and also the enclosures66 of their homes, literal private love-nests67 in which they can lavish their wealth on their women68 [548b] and any others they please with great expenditure.” “Most true,” he said. “And will they not be stingy about money, since they prize it and are not allowed to possess it openly, prodigal of others' wealth69 because of their appetites, enjoying70 their pleasures stealthily, and running away from the law as boys from a father,71 since they have not been educated by persuasion72 but by force because of their neglect of the true Muse, the companion of discussion and philosophy, [548c] and because of their preference of gymnastics to music?” “You perfectly describe,” he said, “a polity that is a mixture73 of good and evil.” “Why, yes, the elements have been mixed,” I said, “but the most conspicuous74 feature in it is one thing only, due to the predominance of the high-spirited element, namely contentiousness and covetousness of honor.75” “Very much so,” said he. “Such, then, would be the origin and nature of this polity if we may merely outline the figure [548d] of a constitution in words and not elaborate it precisely, since even the sketch will suffice to show us the most just and the most unjust type of man, and it would be an impracticable task to set forth all forms76 of government without omitting any, and all customs and qualities of men.” “Quite right,” he said.

“What, then, is the man that corresponds to this constitution? What is his origin and what his nature?” “I fancy,” Adeimantus said, “that he comes rather close77 to Glaucon here [548e] in point of contentiousness.” “Perhaps,” said I, “in that, but I do not think their natures are alike in the following respects.” “In what?” “He will have to be somewhat self-willed78 and lacking in culture,79 yet a lover of music and fond of listening80 to talk and speeches, though by no means himself a rhetorician; [549a] and to slaves such a one would be harsh,81 not scorning them as the really educated do, but he would be gentle with the freeborn and very submissive to officials, a lover of office and of honor,82 not basing his claim to office83 on ability to speak or anything of that sort but on his exploits in war or preparation for war, and he would be a devotee of gymnastics and hunting.84” “Why, yes,” he said, “that is the spirit of that polity.85” “And would not such a man [549b] be disdainful of wealth too in his youth, but the older he grew the more he would love it because of his participation in the covetous nature and because his virtue is not sincere and pure since it lacks the best guardian?” “What guardian?” said Adeimantus. “Reason,” said I, “blended with culture,86 which is the only indwelling preserver of virtue throughout life in the soul that possesses it.” “Well said,” he replied. “This is the character,” I said, “of the timocratic youth, resembling the city that bears his name.” “By all means.” [549c] “His origin87 is somewhat on this wise: Sometimes he is the young son of a good father who lives in a badly governed state and avoids honors and office and law-suits and all such meddlesomeness88 and is willing to forbear something of his rights89 in order to escape trouble.90” “How does he originate?” he said. “Why, when, to begin with,” I said, “he hears his mother complaining91 [549d] that her husband is not one of the rulers and for that reason she is slighted among the other women, and when she sees that her husband is not much concerned about money and does not fight and brawl in private lawsuits and in the public assembly, but takes all such matters lightly, and when she observes that he is self-absorbed92 in his thoughts and neither regards nor disregards her overmuch,93 and in consequence of all this laments and tells the boy that his father is too slack94 and no kind of a man, with all the other complaints [549e] with which women95 nag96 in such cases.” “Many indeed,” said Adeimantus, “and after their kind.97” “You are aware, then,” said I, “that the very house-slaves of such men, if they are loyal and friendly, privately say the same sort of things to the sons, and if they observe a debtor or any other wrongdoer whom the father does not prosecute, they urge the boy to punish all such when he grows to manhood [550a] and prove himself more of a man than his father, and when the lad goes out he hears and sees the same sort of thing.98 Men who mind their own affairs99 in the city are spoken of as simpletons and are held in slight esteem, while meddlers who mind other people's affairs are honored and praised. Then it is100 that the youth, hearing and seeing such things, and on the other hand listening to the words of his father, and with a near view of his pursuits contrasted with those of other men, is solicited by both, his father [550b] watering and fostering the growth of the rational principle101 in his soul and the others the appetitive and the passionate102; and as he is not by nature of a bad disposition but has fallen into evil communications,103 under these two solicitations he comes to a compromise104 and turns over the government in his soul105 to the intermediate principle of ambition and high spirit and becomes a man haughty of soul106 and covetous of honor.107” “You have, I think, most exactly described his origin.” [550c] “Then,” said I, “we have our second polity and second type of man.” “We have,” he said.

“Shall we then, as Aeschylus: would say, “‘tell of another champion before another gate,’”Aesch. Seven 451108 or rather, in accordance with our plan,109 the city first?” “That, by all means,” he said. “The next polity, I believe, would be oligarchy.” “And what kind of a regime,” said he, “do you understand by oligarchy?” “That based on a property qualification,110” said I, “wherein the rich hold office [550d] and the poor man is excluded.” “I understand,” said he. “Then, is not the first thing to speak of how democracy passes over into this?” “Yes.” “And truly,” said I, “the manner of the change is plain even to the proverbial blind man.111” “How so?” “That treasure-house112 which each possesses filled with gold destroys that polity; for first they invent ways of expenditure for themselves and pervert the laws to this end, [550e] and neither they nor their wives obey them.” “That is likely,” he said. “And then, I take it, by observing and emulating one another they bring the majority of them to this way of thinking.” “That is likely,” he said. “And so, as time goes on, and they advance113 in the pursuit of wealth, the more they hold that in honor the less they honor virtue. May not the opposition of wealth and virtue114 be conceived as if each lay in the scale115 of a balance inclining opposite ways?” “Yes, indeed,” he said. “So, when wealth is honored [551a] in a state, and the wealthy, virtue and the good are less honored.” “Obviously.” “And that which men at any time honor they practise,116 and what is not honored is neglected.” “It is so.” “Thus, finally, from being lovers of victory and lovers of honor they become lovers of gain-getting and of money, and they commend and admire the rich man and put him in office but despise the man who is poor.” “Quite so.” “And is it not then that they pass a law [551b] defining the limits117 of an oligarchical polity, prescribing118 a sum of money, a larger sum where it is more119 of an oligarchy, where it is less a smaller, and proclaiming that no man shall hold office whose property does not come up to the required valuation? And this law they either put through by force of arms, or without resorting to that they establish their government by terrorization.120 Is not that the way of it?” “It is.” “The establishment then, one may say, is in this wise.” “Yes,” he said, “but what is the character of this constitution, and what are the defects that we said [551c] it had?”

“To begin with,” said I, “consider the nature of its constitutive and defining principle. Suppose men should appoint the pilots121 of ships in this way, by property qualification, and not allow122 a poor man to navigate, even if he were a better pilot.” “A sorry voyage they would make of it,” he said. “And is not the same true of any other form of rule?” “I think so.” “Except of a city,” said I, “or does it hold for a city too?” “Most of all,” he said, “by as much as that is the greatest and most difficult123 rule of all.” [551d] “Here, then, is one very great defect in oligarchy.” “So it appears.” “Well, and is this a smaller one?” “What?” “That such a city should of necessity be not one,124 but two, a city of the rich and a city of the poor, dwelling together, and always plotting125 against one another.” “No, by Zeus,” said he, “it is not a bit smaller.” “Nor, further, can we approve of this—the likelihood that they will not be able to wage war, because of the necessity of either arming and employing the multitude,126 [551e] and fearing them more than the enemy, or else, if they do not make use of them, of finding themselves on the field of battle, oligarchs indeed,127 and rulers over a few. And to this must be added their reluctance to contribute money, because they are lovers of money.” “No, indeed, that is not admirable.” “And what of the trait we found fault with long ago128—the fact that in such a state the citizens are busy-bodies and jacks-of-all-trades, farmers, [552a] financiers and soldiers all in one? Do you think that is right?” “By no manner of means.” “Consider now whether this polity is not the first that admits that which is the greatest of all such evils.” “What?” “The allowing a man to sell all his possessions,129 which another is permitted to acquire, and after selling them to go on living in the city, but as no part of it,130 neither a money-maker, nor a craftsman, nor a knight, nor a foot-soldier, but classified only as a pauper131 and a dependent.” [552b] “This is the first,” he said. “There certainly is no prohibition of that sort of thing in oligarchical states. Otherwise some of their citizens would not be excessively rich, and others out and out paupers.” “Right.” “ But observe this. When such a fellow was spending his wealth, was he then of any more use to the state in the matters of which we were speaking, or did he merely seem to belong to the ruling class, while in reality he was neither ruler nor helper in the state, but only a consumer of goods132?” “It is so,” he said; “he only seemed, but was [552c] just a spendthrift.” “Shall we, then, say of him that as the drone133 springs up in the cell, a pest of the hive, so such a man grows up in his home, a pest of the state?” “By all means, Socrates,” he said. “And has not God, Adeimantus, left the drones which have wings and fly stingless one and all, while of the drones here who travel afoot he has made some stingless but has armed others with terrible stings? And from the stingless finally issue beggars in old age,134 [552d] but from those furnished with stings all that are denominated135 malefactors?” “Most true,” he said. “It is plain, then,” said I, “that wherever you see beggars in a city, there are somewhere in the neighborhood concealed thieves and cutpurses and temple-robbers and similar artists in crime.” “Clearly,” he said. “Well, then, in oligarchical cities do you not see beggars?” “Nearly all are such,” he said, “except the ruling class.” “Are we not to suppose, then, [552e] that there are also many criminals in them furnished with stings, whom the rulers by their surveillance forcibly136 restrain?” “We must think so,” he said. “And shall we not say that the presence of such citizens is the result of a defective culture and bad breeding and a wrong constitution of the state?” “We shall.” “Well, at any rate such would be the character of the oligarchical state, and these, or perhaps even more than these, would be the evils that afflict it.” “Pretty nearly these,” he said. [553a] “Then,” I said, “let us regard as disposed of the constitution called oligarchy, whose rulers are determined by a property qualification.137 And next we are to consider the man who resembles it—how he arises and what after that his character is.” “Quite so,” he said.

“Is not the transition from that timocratic youth to the oligarchical type mostly on this wise?” “How?” “When a son born to the timocratic man at first emulates his father, and follows in his footsteps138 and then sees him [553b] suddenly dashed,139 as a ship on a reef,140 against the state, and making complete wreckage141 of both his possessions and himself perhaps he has been a general, or has held some other important office, and has then been dragged into court by mischievous sycophants and put to death or banished142 or outlawed and has lost all his property—” “It is likely,” he said. “And the son, my friend, after seeing and suffering these things, and losing his property, grows timid, I fancy, and forthwith thrusts headlong143 from his bosom's throne144 [553c] that principle of love of honor and that high spirit, and being humbled by poverty turns to the getting of money, and greedily145 and stingily and little by little by thrift and hard work collects property. Do you not suppose that such a one will then establish on that throne the principle of appetite and avarice, and set it up as the great king in his soul, adorned with tiaras and collars of gold, and girt with the Persian sword?” “I do,” he said. “And under this domination he will force the rational [553d] and high-spirited principles to crouch lowly to right and left146 as slaves, and will allow the one to calculate and consider nothing but the ways of making more money from a little,147 and the other to admire and honor nothing but riches and rich men, and to take pride in nothing but the possession of wealth and whatever contributes to that?” “There is no other transformation so swift and sure of the ambitious youth into the avaricious type.” [553e] “Is this, then, our oligarchical man?” said I. “He is developed, at any rate, out of a man resembling the constitution from which the oligarchy sprang.” [554a] “Let us see, then, whether he will have a like character.” “Let us see.”

“Would he not, in the first place, resemble it in prizing wealth above everything?” “Inevitably.” “And also by being thrifty and laborious, satisfying only his own necessary148 appetites and desires and not providing for expenditure on other things, but subduing his other appetites as vain and unprofitable?” “By all means.” “He would be a squalid149 fellow,” said I, “looking for a surplus of profit150 in everything, [554b] and a hoarder, the type the multitude approves.151 Would not this be the character of the man who corresponds to such a polity?” “I certainly think so,” he said. “Property, at any rate, is the thing most esteemed by that state and that kind of man.” “That, I take it,” said I, “is because he has never turned his thoughts to true culture.” “I think not,” he said, “else he would not have made the blind152 one leader of his choir and first in honor.153” “Well said,” I replied. “But consider this. Shall we not say that owing to this lack of culture the appetites of the drone spring up in him, [554c] some the beggarly, others the rascally, but that they are forcibly restrained by his general self-surveillance and self- control154?” “We shall indeed,” he said. “Do you know, then,” said I, “to what you must look to discern the rascalities of such men?” “To what?” he said. “To guardianships of orphans,155 and any such opportunities of doing injustice with impunity.” “True.” “And is it not apparent by this that in other dealings, where he enjoys the repute of a seeming just man, he by some better156 element in himself [554d] forcibly keeps down other evil desires dwelling within,157 not persuading them that it ‘is better not’158 nor taming them by reason, but by compulsion and fear, trembling for his possessions generally.” “Quite so,” he said. “Yes, by Zeus,” said I, “my friend. In most of them, when there is occasion to spend the money of others, you will discover the existence of drone-like appetites.” “Most emphatically.” “Such a man, then, would not be free from internal dissension.159 He would not be really one, but in some sort a double160 man. Yet for the most part, [554e] his better desires would have the upper hand over the worse.” “It is so.” “And for this reason, I presume, such a man would be more seemly, more respectable, than many others; but the true virtue of a soul in unison and harmony161 with itself would escape him and dwell afar.” “I think so.” “And again, the thrifty stingy man would be a feeble competitor personally [555a] in the city for any prize of victory or in any other honorable emulation. He is unwilling to spend money for fame and rivalries of that sort, and, fearing to awaken his prodigal desires and call them into alliance for the winning of the victory, he fights in true oligarchical162 fashion with a small part of his resources and is defeated for the most part and—finds himself rich!163” “Yes indeed,” he said. “Have we any further doubt, then,” I said, “as to the correspondence and resemblance164 between the thrifty and money-making man [555b] and the oligarchical state?” “None,” he said.

“We have next to consider, it seems, the origin and nature of democracy, that we may next learn the character of that type of man and range him beside the others for our judgement.165” “That would at least be a consistent procedure.” “Then,” said I, “is not the transition from oligarchy to democracy effected in some such way as this—by the insatiate greed for that which it set before itself as the good,166 the attainment of the greatest possible wealth?” [555c] “In what way?” “Why, since its rulers owe their offices to their wealth, they are not willing to prohibit by law the prodigals who arise among the youth from spending and wasting their substance. Their object is, by lending money on the property of such men, and buying it in, to become still richer and more esteemed.” “By all means.” “And is it not at once apparent in a state that this honoring of wealth is incompatible with a sober and temperate citizenship,167 [555d] but that one or the other of these two ideals is inevitably neglected.” “That is pretty clear,” he said. “And such negligence and encouragement of licentiousness168 in oligarchies not infrequently has reduced to poverty men of no ignoble quality.169” “It surely has.” “And there they sit, I fancy, within the city, furnished with stings, that is, arms, some burdened with debt, others disfranchised, others both, hating and conspiring against the acquirers of their estates and the rest of the citizens, [555e] and eager for revolution.170” “’Tis so.” “But these money-makers with down-bent heads,171 pretending not even to see172 them, but inserting the sting of their money173 into any of the remainder who do not resist, and harvesting from them in interest as it were a manifold progeny of the parent sum, [556a] foster the drone and pauper element in the state.” “They do indeed multiply it,” he said. “And they are not willing to quench the evil as it bursts into flame either by way of a law prohibiting a man from doing as he likes with his own,174 or in this way, by a second law that does away with such abuses.” “What law?” “The law that is next best, and compels the citizens to pay heed to virtue.175 For if a law commanded that most voluntary contracts176 should be at the contractor's risk, [556b] the pursuit of wealth would be less shameless in the state and fewer of the evils of which we spoke just now would grow up there.” “Much fewer,” he said. “But as it is, and for all these reasons, this is the plight to which the rulers in the state reduce their subjects, and as for themselves and their off-spring, do they not make the young spoiled177 wantons averse to toil of body and mind, [556c] and too soft to stand up against pleasure and pain,178 and mere idlers?” “Surely.” “And do they not fasten upon themselves the habit of neglect of everything except the making of money, and as complete an indifference to virtue as the paupers exhibit?” “Little they care.” “And when, thus conditioned, the rulers and the ruled are brought together on the march, in wayfaring, or in some other common undertaking, either a religious festival, or a campaign, or as shipmates or fellow-soldiers [556d] or, for that matter, in actual battle, and observe one another, then the poor are not in the least scorned by the rich, but on the contrary, do you not suppose it often happens that when a lean, sinewy, sunburnt179 pauper is stationed in battle beside a rich man bred in the shade, and burdened with superfluous flesh,180 and sees him panting and helpless181—do you not suppose he will think that such fellows keep their wealth by the cowardice182 of the poor, and that when the latter are together in private, [556e] one will pass the word to another ‘our men are good for nothing’?” “Nay, I know very well that they do,” said he. “And just as an unhealthy body requires but a slight impulse183 from outside to fall into sickness, and sometimes, even without that, all the man is one internal war, in like manner does not the corresponding type of state need only a slight occasion,184 the one party bringing in185 allies from an oligarchical state, or the other from a democratic, to become diseased and wage war with itself, and sometimes even [557a] apart from any external impulse faction arises186?” “Most emphatically.” “And a democracy, I suppose, comes into being when the poor, winning the victory, put to death some of the other party, drive out187 others, and grant the rest of the citizens an equal share188 in both citizenship and offices—and for the most part these offices are assigned by lot.189” “Why, yes,” he said, “that is the constitution of democracy alike whether it is established by force of arms or by terrorism190 resulting in the withdrawal of one of the parties.”

“What, then,” said I, “is the manner of their life [557b] and what is the quality of such a constitution? For it is plain that the man of this quality will turn out to be a democratic sort of man.” “It is plain,” he said. “To begin with, are they not free? and is not the city chock-full of liberty and freedom of speech? and has not every man licence191 to do as he likes?” “So it is said,” he replied. “And where there is such licence, it is obvious that everyone would arrange a plan192 for leading his own life in the way that pleases him.” “Obvious.” “All sorts193 and conditions of men, [557c] then, would arise in this polity more than in any other?” “Of course.” “Possibly,” said I, “this is the most beautiful of polities as a garment of many colors, embroidered with all kinds of hues, so this, decked and diversified with every type of character, would appear the most beautiful. And perhaps,” I said, “many would judge it to be the most beautiful, like boys and women194 when they see bright-colored things.” [557d] “Yes indeed,” he said. “Yes,” said I, “and it is the fit place, my good friend, in which to look for a constitution.” “Why so?” “Because, owing to this licence, it includes all kinds, and it seems likely that anyone who wishes to organize a state, as we were just now doing, must find his way to a democratic city and select the model that pleases him, as if in a bazaar195 of constitutions, and after making his choice, establish his own.” “Perhaps at any rate,” he said, [557e] “he would not be at a loss for patterns.” “And the freedom from all compulsion to hold office in such a city, even if you are qualified,196 or again, to submit to rule, unless you please, or to make war when the rest are at war,197 or to keep the peace when the others do so, unless you desire peace; and again, the liberty, in defiance of any law that forbids you, to hold office and sit on juries none the less, [558a] if it occurs to you to do so, is not all that a heavenly and delicious entertainment198 for the time being?” “Perhaps,” he said, “for so long.” “And is not the placability199 of some convicted criminals exquisite200? Or have you never seen in such a state men condemned to death or exile who none the less stay on, and go to and fro among the people, and as if no one saw or heeded him, the man slips in and out201 like a revenant202?” “Yes, many,” he said. “And the tolerance of democracy, [558b] its superiority203 to all our meticulous requirements, its disdain or our solemn204 pronouncements205 made when we were founding our city, that except in the case of transcendent206 natural gifts no one could ever become a good man unless from childhood his play and all his pursuits were concerned with things fair and good,—how superbly207 it tramples under foot all such ideals, caring nothing from what practices208 and way of life a man turns to politics, but honoring him [558c] if only he says that he loves the people!209” “It is a noble210 polity, indeed!” he said. “These and qualities akin to these democracy would exhibit, and it would, it seems, be a delightful211 form of government, anarchic and motley, assigning a kind of equality indiscriminately to equals and unequals alike!212” “Yes,” he said, “everybody knows that.”

“Observe, then, the corresponding private character. Or must we first, as in the case of the polity, consider the origin of the type?” “Yes,” he said. “Is not this, then, the way of it? Our thrifty213 oligarchical man [558d] would have a son bred in his father's ways.” “Why not?” “And he, too, would control by force all his appetites for pleasure that are wasters and not winners of wealth, those which are denominated unnecessary.” “Obviously.” “And in order not to argue in the dark, shall we first define214 our distinction between necessary and unnecessary appetites215?” “Let us do so.” “Well, then, desires that we cannot divert or suppress may be properly called necessary, [558e] and likewise those whose satisfaction is beneficial to us, may they not? For our nature compels us to seek their satisfaction. [559a] Is not that so ?” “Most assuredly.” “Then we shall rightly use the word ‘necessary’ of them?” “Rightly.” “And what of the desires from which a man could free himself by discipline from youth up, and whose presence in the soul does no good and in some cases harm? Should we not fairly call all such unnecessary?” “Fairly indeed.” “Let us select an example of either kind, so that we may apprehend the type.216” “Let us do so.” “Would not the desire of eating to keep in health and condition and the appetite [559b] for mere bread and relishes217 be necessary?” “I think so.” “The appetite for bread is necessary in both respects, in that it is beneficial and in that if it fails we die.” “Yes.” “And the desire for relishes, so far as it conduces to fitness?” “By all means.” “And should we not rightly pronounce unnecessary the appetite that exceeds these and seeks other varieties of food, and that by correction218 and training from youth up can be got rid of in most cases and is harmful to the body and a hindrance to the soul's attainment of [559c] intelligence and sobriety?” “Nay, most rightly.” “And may we not call the one group the spendthrift desires and the other the profitable,219 because they help production?” “Surely.” “And we shall say the same of sexual and other appetites?” “The same.” “And were we not saying that the man whom we nicknamed the drone is the man who teems220 with such pleasures and appetites, and who is governed by his unnecessary desires, while the one who is ruled [559d] by his necessary appetites is the thrifty oligarchical man?” “Why, surely.”

“To return, then,” said I, “we have to tell how the democratic man develops from the oligarchical type. I think it is usually in this way.” “How?” “When a youth, bred in the illiberal and niggardly fashion that we were describing, gets a taste of the honey of the drones and associates with fierce221 and cunning creatures who know how to purvey pleasures of every kind and variety222 and condition, there you must doubtless conceive is the beginning [559e] of the transformation of the oligarchy in his soul into democracy.” “Quite inevitably,” he said. “May we not say that just as the revolution in the city was brought about by the aid of an alliance from outside, coming to the support of the similar and corresponding party in the state, so the youth is revolutionized when a like and kindred223 group of appetites from outside comes to the aid of one of the parties in his soul?” “By all means,” he said. “And if, I take it, a counter-alliance224 comes to the rescue of the oligarchical part of his soul, either it may be from his father [560a] or from his other kin, who admonish and reproach him, then there arises faction225 and counter-faction and internal strife in the man with himself.” “Surely.” “And sometimes, I suppose, the democratic element retires before the oligarchical, some of its appetites having been destroyed and others226 expelled, and a sense of awe and reverence grows up in the young man's soul and order is restored.” “That sometimes happens,” he said. “And sometimes, again, another brood of desires akin to those expelled [560b] are stealthily nurtured to take their place, owing to the father's ignorance of true education, and wax numerous and strong.” “Yes, that is wont to be the way of it.” “And they tug and pull back to the same associations and in secret intercourse engender a multitude.” “Yes indeed.” “And in the end, I suppose, they seize the citadel227 of the young man's soul, finding it empty and unoccupied by studies and honorable pursuits and true discourses, which are the best watchmen [560c] and guardians228 in the minds of men who are dear to the gods.” “Much the best,” he said. “And then false and braggart words229 and opinions charge up the height and take their place and occupy that part of such a youth.” “They do indeed.” “And then he returns, does he not, to those Lotus-eaters230 and without disguise lives openly with them. And if any support231 comes from his kin to the thrifty element in his soul, those braggart discourses close the gates of the royal fortress within him [560d] and refuse admission to the auxiliary force itself, and will not grant audience as to envoys to the words of older friends in private life. And they themselves prevail in the conflict, and naming reverence and awe ‘folly’232 thrust it forth, a dishonored fugitive. And temperance they call ‘want of manhood’ and banish it with contumely, and they teach that moderation and orderly expenditure are ‘rusticity’ and ‘illiberality,’ and they combine with a gang of unprofitable and harmful appetites to drive them over the border.233” “They do indeed.” “And when they have emptied [560e] and purged234 of all these the soul of the youth that they have thus possessed235 and occupied, and whom they are initiating with these magnificent and costly rites,236 they proceed to lead home from exile insolence and anarchy and prodigality and shamelessness, resplendent237 in a great attendant choir and crowned with garlands, and in celebration of their praises they euphemistically denominate insolence ‘good breeding,’ licence ‘liberty,’ prodigality ‘magnificence,’ [561a] and shamelessness ‘manly spirit.’ And is it not in some such way as this,” said I, “that in his youth the transformation takes place from the restriction to necessary desires in his education to the liberation and release of his unnecessary and harmful desires?” “Yes, your description is most vivid,” said he. “Then, in his subsequent life, I take it, such a one expends money and toil and time no more on his necessary than on his unnecessary pleasures. But if it is his good fortune that the period of storm and stress does not last too long, and as he grows older [561b] the fiercest tumult within him passes, and he receives back a part of the banished elements and does not abandon himself altogether to the invasion of the others, then he establishes and maintains all his pleasures on a footing of equality, forsooth,238 and so lives turning over the guard-house239 of his soul to each as it happens along until it is sated, as if it had drawn the lot for that office, and then in turn to another, disdaining none but fostering them all equally.240” “Quite so.” “And he does not accept or admit into the guard-house the words of truth when anyone tells him [561c] that some pleasures arise from honorable and good desires, and others from those that are base,241 and that we ought to practise and esteem the one and control and subdue the others; but he shakes his head242 at all such admonitions and avers that they are all alike and to be equally esteemed.” “Such is indeed his state of mind and his conduct.” “And does he not,” said I, “also live out his life in this fashion, day by day indulging the appetite of the day, now wine-bibbing and abandoning himself to the lascivious pleasing of the flute243 and again drinking only water and dieting; [561d] and at one time exercising his body, and sometimes idling and neglecting all things, and at another time seeming to occupy himself with philosophy. And frequently he goes in for politics and bounces up244 and says and does whatever enters his head.245 And if military men excite his emulation, thither he rushes, and if moneyed men, to that he turns, and there is no order or compulsion in his existence, but he calls this life of his the life of pleasure and freedom and happiness and [561e] cleaves to it to the end.” “That is a perfect description,” he said, “of a devotee of equality.” “I certainly think,” said I, “that he is a manifold246 man stuffed with most excellent differences, and that like that city247 he is the fair and many-colored one whom many a man and woman would count fortunate in his life, as containing within himself the greatest number of patterns of constitutions and qualities.” “Yes, that is so,” he said. [562a] “Shall we definitely assert, then, that such a man is to be ranged with democracy and would properly be designated as democratic?” “Let that be his place,” he said.

“And now,” said I, “the fairest248 polity and the fairest man remain for us to describe, the tyranny and the tyrant.” “Certainly,” he said. “Come then, tell me, dear friend, how tyranny arises.249 That it is an outgrowth of democracy is fairly plain.” “Yes, plain.” “Is it, then, in a sense, in the same way in which democracy arises out of oligarchy that tyranny arises from democracy?” [562b] “How is that?” “The good that they proposed to themselves250 and that was the cause of the establishment of oligarchy—it was wealth,251 was it not?” “Yes.” “Well, then, the insatiate lust for wealth and the neglect of everything else for the sake of money-making was the cause of its undoing.” “True,” he said. “And is not the avidity of democracy for that which is its definition and criterion of good the thing which dissolves it252 too?” “What do you say its criterion to be?” “Liberty,253” I replied; “for you may hear it said that this is best managed in a democratic city, [562c] and for this reason that is the only city in which a man of free spirit will care to live.254” “Why, yes,” he replied, “you hear that saying everywhere.” “Then, as I was about to observe,255 is it not the excess and greed of this and the neglect of all other things that revolutionizes this constitution too and prepares the way for the necessity of a dictatorship?” “How?” he said. “Why, when a democratic city athirst for liberty gets bad cupbearers [562d] for its leaders256 and is intoxicated by drinking too deep of that unmixed wine,257 and then, if its so-called governors are not extremely mild and gentle with it and do not dispense the liberty unstintedly,it chastises them and accuses them of being accursed258 oligarchs.259” “Yes, that is what they do,” he replied. “But those who obey the rulers,” I said, “it reviles as willing slaves260 and men of naught,261 but it commends and honors in public and private rulers who resemble subjects and subjects who are like rulers. [562e] Is it not inevitable that in such a state the spirit of liberty should go to all lengths262?” “Of course.” “And this anarchical temper,” said I, “my friend, must penetrate into private homes and finally enter into the very animals.263” “Just what do we mean by that?” he said. “Why,” I said, “the father habitually tries to resemble the child and is afraid of his sons, and the son likens himself to the father and feels no awe or fear of his parents,264 [563a] so that he may be forsooth a free man.265 And the resident alien feels himself equal to the citizen and the citizen to him, and the foreigner likewise.” “Yes, these things do happen,” he said. “They do,” said I, “and such other trifles as these. The teacher in such case fears and fawns upon the pupils, and the pupils pay no heed to the teacher or to their overseers either. And in general the young ape their elders and vie with them in speech and action, while the old, accommodating266 themselves to the young, [563b] are full of pleasantry267 and graciousness, imitating the young for fear they may be thought disagreeable and authoritative.” “By all means,” he said. “And the climax of popular liberty, my friend,” I said, “is attained in such a city when the purchased slaves, male and female, are no less free268 than the owners who paid for them. And I almost forgot to mention the spirit of freedom and equal rights in the relation of men to women and women to men.” [563c] “Shall we not, then,” said he, “in Aeschylean phrase,269 say “whatever rises to our lips’?” “Certainly,” I said, “so I will. Without experience of it no one would believe how much freer the very beasts270 subject to men are in such a city than elsewhere. The dogs literally verify the adage271 and ‘like their mistresses become.’ And likewise the horses and asses are wont to hold on their way with the utmost freedom and dignity, bumping into everyone who meets them and who does not step aside.272 And so all things everywhere are just bursting with the spirit of liberty.273” [563d] “It is my own dream274 you are telling me,” he said; “for it often happens to me when I go to the country.” “And do you note that the sum total of all these items when footed up is that they render the souls of the citizens so sensitive275 that they chafe at the slightest suggestion of servitude276 and will not endure it? For you are aware that they finally pay no heed even to the laws277 written or unwritten,278 [563e] so that forsooth they may have no master anywhere over them.” “I know it very well,” said he.

“This, then, my friend,” said I, “is the fine and vigorous root from which tyranny grows, in my opinion.” “Vigorous indeed,” he said; “but what next?” “The same malady,” I said, “that, arising in oligarchy, destroyed it, this more widely diffused and more violent as a result of this licence, enslaves democracy. And in truth, any excess is wont to bring about a corresponding reaction279 to the opposite in the seasons, [564a] in plants, in animal bodies,280 and most especially in political societies.” “Probably,” he said. “And so the probable outcome of too much freedom is only too much slavery in the individual and the state.” “Yes, that is probable.” “Probably, then, tyranny develops out of no other constitution281 than democracy—from the height of liberty, I take it, the fiercest extreme of servitude.” “That is reasonable,” he said. “That, however, I believe, was not your question,282 but what identical283 malady [564b] arising in democracy as well as in oligarchy enslaves it?” “You say truly,” he replied. “That then,” I said, “was what I had in mind, the class of idle and spendthrift men, the most enterprising and vigorous portion being leaders and the less manly spirits followers. We were likening them to drones,284 some equipped with stings and others stingless.” “And rightly too,” he said. “These two kinds, then,” I said, “when they arise in any state, create a disturbance like that produced in the body285 by phlegm and gall. [564c] And so a good physician and lawgiver must be on his guard from afar against the two kinds, like a prudent apiarist, first and chiefly286 to prevent their springing up, but if they do arise to have them as quickly as may be cut out, cells and all.” “Yes, by Zeus,” he said, “by all means.” “Then let us take it in this way,” I said, “so that we may contemplate our purpose more distinctly.287” “How?” “Let us in our theory make a tripartite288 division of the democratic state, which is in fact its structure. One such class, [564d] as we have described, grows up in it because of the licence, no less than in the oligarchic state.” “That is so.” “But it is far fiercer in this state than in that.” “How so?” “There, because it is not held in honor, but is kept out of office, it is not exercised and does not grow vigorous. But in a democracy this is the dominating class, with rare exceptions, and the fiercest part of it makes speeches and transacts business, and the remainder swarms and settles about the speaker's stand and keeps up a buzzing289 and [564e] tolerates290 no dissent, so that everything with slight exceptions is administered by that class in such a state.” “Quite so,” he said. “And so from time to time there emerges or is secreted from the multitude another group of this sort.” “What sort?” he said. “When all are pursuing wealth the most orderly and thrifty natures for the most part become the richest.” “It is likely.” “Then they are the most abundant supply of honey for the drones, and it is the easiest to extract.291” “Why, yes,” he said, “how could one squeeze it out of those who have little?” “The capitalistic292 class is, I take it, the name by which they are designated—the pasture of the drones.” “Pretty much so,” he said. [565a]

“And the third class,293 composing the ‘people,’ would comprise all quiet294 cultivators of their own farms295 who possess little property. This is the largest and most potent group in a democracy when it meets in assembly.” “Yes, it is,” he said, “but it will not often do that,296 unless it gets a share of the honey.” “Well, does it not always share,” I said, “to the extent that the men at the head find it possible, in distributing297 to the people what they take from the well-to-do,298 to keep the lion's share for themselves299?” “Why, yes,” he said, “it shares [565b] in that sense.” “And so, I suppose, those who are thus plundered are compelled to defend themselves by speeches in the assembly and any action in their power.” “Of course.” “And thereupon the charge is brought against them by the other party, though they may have no revolutionary designs, that they are plotting against the people, and it is said that they are oligarchs.300” “Surely.” “And then finally, when they see the people, not of its own will301 but through misapprehension,302 and being misled [565c] by the calumniators, attempting to wrong them, why then,303 whether they wish it or not,304 they become in very deed oligarchs, not willingly, but this evil too is engendered by those drones which sting them.” “Precisely.” “And then there ensue impeachments and judgements and lawsuits on either side.” “Yes, indeed.” “And is it not always the way of a demos to put forward one man as its special champion and protector305 and cherish and magnify him?” “Yes, it is.” “This, then, is plain,” [565d] said I, “that when a tyrant arises he sprouts from a protectorate root306 and from nothing else.” “Very plain.” “What, then, is the starting-point of the transformation of a protector into a tyrant? Is it not obviously when the protector's acts begin to reproduce the legend that is told of the shrine of Lycaean Zeus in Arcadia307?” “What is that?” he said. “The story goes that he who tastes of the one bit of human entrails minced up with those of other victims [565e] is inevitably transformed into a wolf. Have you not heard the tale?” “I have.” “And is it not true that in like manner a leader of the people who, getting control of a docile mob,308 does not withhold his hand from the shedding of tribal blood,309 but by the customary unjust accusations brings a citizen into court and assassinates him, blotting out310 a human life, and with unhallowed tongue and lips that have tasted kindred blood, [566a] banishes and slays and hints at the abolition of debts and the partition of lands311—is it not the inevitable consequence and a decree of fate312 that such a one be either slain by his enemies or become a tyrant and be transformed from a man into a wolf?” “It is quite inevitable,” he said. “He it is,” I said, “who becomes the leader of faction against the possessors of property.313” “Yes, he.” “May it not happen that he is driven into exile and, being restored in defiance of his enemies, returns a finished tyrant?” “Obviously.” “And if they are unable [566b] to expel him or bring about his death by calumniating him to the people, they plot to assassinate him by stealth.” “That is certainly wont to happen,” said he. “And thereupon those who have reached this stage devise that famous petition314 of the tyrant—to ask from the people a bodyguard to make their city safe315 for the friend of democracy.” [566c] “They do indeed,” he said. “And the people grant it, I suppose, fearing for him but unconcerned for themselves.” “Yes, indeed.” “And when he sees this, the man who has wealth and with his wealth the repute of hostility to democracy,316 then in the words of the oracle delivered to Croesus,“By the pebble-strewn strand of the Hermos Swift is his flight, he stays not nor blushes to show the white feather.””Hdt. 1.55 “No, for he would never get a second chance to blush.” “And he who is caught, methinks, is delivered to his death.” “Inevitably.” “And then obviously that protector does not lie prostrate, “‘mighty with far-flung limbs,’”Hom. Il. 16.776 in Homeric overthrow,317 but [566d] overthrowing many others towers in the car of state318 transformed from a protector into a perfect and finished tyrant.” “What else is likely?” he said.

“Shall we, then, portray the happiness,” said I, “of the man and the state in which such a creature arises?” “By all means let us describe it,” he said. “Then at the start and in the first days does he not smile319 upon all men and greet everybody he meets and deny that he is a tyrant, [566e] and promise many things in private and public, and having freed men from debts, and distributed lands to the people and his own associates, he affects a gracious and gentle manner to all?” “Necessarily,” he said. “But when, I suppose, he has come to terms with some of his exiled enemies320 and has got others destroyed and is no longer disturbed by them, in the first place he is always stirring up some war321 so that the people may be in need of a leader.” “That is likely.” [567a] “And also that being impoverished by war-taxes they may have to devote themselves to their daily business and be less likely to plot against him?” “Obviously.” “And if, I presume, he suspects that there are free spirits who will not suffer his domination, his further object is to find pretexts for destroying them by exposing them to the enemy? From all these motives a tyrant is compelled to be always provoking wars322?” “Yes, he is compelled to do so.” “And by such conduct [567b] will he not the more readily incur the hostility of the citizens?” “Of course.” “And is it not likely that some of those who helped to establish323 and now share in his power, voicing their disapproval of the course of events, will speak out frankly to him and to one another—such of them as happen to be the bravest?” “Yes, it is likely.” “Then the tyrant must do away324 with all such if he is to maintain his rule, until he has left no one of any worth, friend or foe.” “Obviously.” “He must look sharp to see, then, [567c] who is brave, who is great-souled, who is wise, who is rich and such is his good fortune that, whether he wishes it or not, he must be their enemy and plot against them all until he purge the city.325” “A fine purgation,” he said. “Yes,” said I, “just the opposite of that which physicians practise on our bodies. For while they remove the worst and leave the best, he does the reverse.” “Yes, for apparently he must, he said, “if he is to keep his power.”

“Blessed, then, is the necessity that binds him,” [567d] said I, “which bids him dwell for the most part with base companions who hate him, or else forfeit his life.” “Such it is,” he said. “And would he not, the more he offends the citizens by such conduct, have the greater need of more and more trustworthy bodyguards?” “Of course.” “Whom, then, may he trust, and whence shall he fetch them?” “Unbidden,” he said, “they will wing their way326 to him in great numbers if he furnish their wage.” “Drones, by the dog,” I said, “I think you are talking of again, [567e] an alien327 and motley crew.328” “You think rightly,” he said. “But what of the home supply,329 would he not choose to employ that?” “How?” “By taking their slaves from the citizens, emancipating them and enlisting them in his bodyguard.” “Assuredly,” he said, “since these are those whom he can most trust.” “Truly,” said I, “this tyrant business330 is a blessed331 thing on your showing, if such are the friends and ‘trusties’ [568a] he must employ after destroying his former associates.” “But such are indeed those he does make use of,” he said. “And these companions admire him,” I said, “and these new citizens are his associates, while the better sort hate and avoid him.” “Why should they not?” “Not for nothing,332” said I, “is tragedy in general esteemed wise, and Euripides beyond other tragedians.333” “Why, pray?” “Because among other utterances of pregnant thought334 he said, [568b] ‘Tyrants are wise by converse with the wise.335’ He meant evidently that these associates of the tyrant are the wise.” “Yes, he and the other poets,” he said, “call the tyrant's power ‘likest God's’336 and praise it in many other ways.” “Wherefore,” said I, “being wise as they are, the poets of tragedy will pardon us and those whose politics resemble ours for not admitting them337 into our polity, since they hymn the praises of tyranny.” “I think,” he said, “that the subtle minds338 [568c] among them will pardon us.” “But going about to other cities, I fancy, collecting crowds and hiring fine, loud, persuasive voices,339 they draw the polities towards tyrannies or democracies.” “Yes, indeed.” “And, further, they are paid and honored for this, chiefly, as is to be expected, by tyrants, and secondly by democracy.340 But the higher they go, breasting constitution hill, the more their honor fails, [568d] as it were from lack of breath341 unable to proceed.” “Quite so.”

“But this,” said I, “is a digression.342 Let us return to that fair, multitudinous, diversified and ever-changing bodyguard of the tyrant and tell how it will be supported.” “Obviously,” he said, “if there are sacred treasures in the city he will spend these as long as they last and the property of those he has destroyed, thus requiring smaller contributions from the populace.” [568e] “But what when these resources fail343?” “Clearly,” he said, “his father's estate will have to support him and his wassailers, his fellows and his she-fellows.” “I understand,” I said, “that the people which begot the tyrant344 will have to feed him and his companions.” “It cannot escape from that,” he said. “And what have you to say,” I said, “in case the people protests and says that it is not right that a grown-up son should be supported by his father, but the reverse, [569a] and that it did not beget and establish him in order that, when he had grown great, it, in servitude to its own slaves, should feed him and the slaves together with a nondescript rabble of aliens, but in order that, with him for protector, it might be liberated from the rule of the rich and the so-called ‘better classes,’345 and that it now bids him and his crew depart from the city as a father expels346 from his house a son together with troublesome revellers?” “The demos, by Zeus,” he said, “will then learn to its cost347 [569b] what it is and what348 a creature it begot and cherished and bred to greatness, and that in its weakness it tries to expel the stronger.” “What do you mean?” said I; “will the tyrant dare to use force against his father, and, if he does not yield, to strike him349?” “Yes,” he said, “after he has once taken from him his arms.” “A very parricide,” said I, “you make the tyrant out to be, and a cruel nurse of old age, and, as it seems, this is at last tyranny open and avowed, and, as the saying goes, the demos trying to escape the smoke of submission to the free would have plunged [569c] into the fire350 of enslavement to slaves, and in exchange for that excessive and unseasonable liberty351 has clothed itself in the garb of the most cruel and bitter servile servitude.352” “Yes indeed,” he said, “that is just what happens.” “Well, then,” said I, “shall we not be fairly justified in saying that we have sufficiently described the transformation of a democracy into a tyranny and the nature of the tyranny itself?” “Quite sufficiently,” he said.

1 Strictly speaking, this applies only to the guardians, but Cf. Laws 739 C ff. Aristotle, Pol. 1261 a 6 and 1262 a 41, like many subsequent commentators, misses the point.

2 Cf. 445 D and What Plato Said, p. 539, on Menex. 238 C-D.

3 So Jowett. Adam ad loc. insists that the genitive is partitive, “those of their number are to be kings.”

4 Cf. 415 E.

5 Cf. 416 C.

6 Cf. 429 A.

7 Cf. on 403 E and 521 D. Polyb. i. 6. 6ἀθληταὶ γεγονότες ἀληθινοὶ τῶν κατὰ τὸν πόλεμον ἔργων

8 Cf. 416 E.

9 Cf. Vol. I. p. 424, note c, and What Plato Said, p. 640, on Laws 857 C.

10 Cf. 449 A-B.

11 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1285 b 1-2, 1289 b 9.

12 Aristot.Pol. 1291-1292 censures the limitation to four. But Cf. supra,Introd. p. xlv. Cf. Laws 693 D, where only two mother-forms of government are mentioned, monarchy and democracy, with Aristot.Pol. 1301 b 40δῆμος καὶ ὀλιγαρχία. Cf. also Eth. Nic. 1160 a 31 ff. The Politicus mentions seven (291 f., 301 f.). Isoc.Panath. 132-134 names three kinds—oligarchy, democracy, and monarchy—adding that others may say much more about them. See note ad loc. in Loeb Isocrates and Class. Phil. vol. vii. p. 91. Cf. Hobbes, Leviathan 19 “Yet he that shall consider the particular commonwealths that have been and are in the world will not perhaps easily reduce them to three . . . as, for example, elective kingdoms,” etc.

13 For ὧν καὶ πέρι λόγον ἄξιον εἴη Cf. Laws 908 Bἃ καὶ διακρίσεως ἄξια, Laches 192 Aοὗ καὶ πέρι ἄξιον λέγειν, Tim. 82ἓν γένος ἐνὸν ἄξιον ἐπωνυμίας. Cf. also Euthydem. 279 C, Aristot.Pol. 1272 b 32, 1302 a 13, De part. an. 654 a 13, Demosth. v. 16, Isoc. vi. 56. and Vol. I. p. 420, note f, on 445 C.

14 For the relative followed by a demonstrative cf. also 357 B.

15 Plato's main point again. Cf. 545 A, 484 A-B and Vol. I. p.xii, note d.

16 Cf. on 572 b, p. 339, note e.

17 Cf. Phileb. 13 Dεἰς τὰς ὁμοίαςPhaedr. 236 B, Laws 682 E, Aristoph.Clouds 551 (Blaydes), Knights 841, Lysist. 672.

18 Cf. What Plato Said, p. 596, on Sophist 267 D.

19 Cf. Crito 52 E, Norlin on Isoc.Nicocles 24 (Loeb), Laws 612 D-E, Aristot.Pol. 1265 b 32, Xen.Mem. iii. 5. 15.

20 ἡ . . . αὔτη, “ista.” Cf. Midsummer Night's Dream,I. ii.ad fin. and Gorg. 502 B, 452 E.

21 Of course ironical. Cf. 454 A, and What Plato Said, p. 592, on Soph. 231 B.

22 Cf. 552 C, Protag. 322 d, Isoc.Hel. 34, Wilamowitz on Eurip.Heracles 542. For the effect of surprise Cf. Rep. 334 A, 373 A, 555 A, Theaet. 146 A, Phileb. 46 Aκακόν and 64 Eσυμφορά.

23 ἰδέαν: cf. Introd. p. x.

24 Cf. 445 C. For διαφανεῖ Cf. Tim. 60 A, 67 A, Laws 634 C, and on 548 C, p. 253, note g.

25 δυναστεῖαι Cf. Laws 680 B, 681 D. But the word usually has an invidious suggestion. See Newman on Aristot.Pol. 1272 b 10. Cf. ibid. 1292 b 5-10, 1293 a 31, 1298 a 32; also Lysias ii. 18, where it is opposed to democracy, Isoc.Panath. 148, where it is used of the tyranny of Peisistratus, ibid. 43 of Minos. Cf. Panegyr. 39 and NorIin on Panegyr. 105 (Loeb). Isocrates also uses it frequently of the power or sovereignty of Philip, Phil. 3, 6, 69, 133, etc. Cf. also Gorg. 492 B, Polit. 291 D.

26 Newman on Aristot.Pol. 1273 a 35 thinks that Plato may have been thinking of Carthage. Cf. Polyb. vi. 56. 4.

27 Plato, as often is impatient of details, for which he was rebuked by Aristotle. Cf. also Tim. 57 D, 67 C, and the frequent leaving of minor matters to future legislators in the Republic and Laws,Vol. I. p. 294, note b, on 412 B.

28 For the correspondence of individual and state cf. also 425 E, 445 C-D, 579 C and on 591 E. Cf. Laws 829 A, Isoc.Peace 120.

29 Or “stock or stone,” i.e. inanimate, insensible things. For the quotation ἐκ δρυός ποθεν ἢ ἐκ πέτρας Cf. Odyssey xix. 163, Il. xxii. 126aliter, Apol. 34 D and Thompson on Phaedrus 275 B; also Stallbaum ad loc.

30 The “mores,” 45 E, 436 A. Cf. Bagehot, Physics and Politics, p. 206: “A lazy nation may be changed into an industrious, a rich into a poor, a religious into a profane, as if by magic, if any single cause, though slight, or any combination of causes, however subtle, is strong enough to change the favorite and detested types of character.”

31 For the metaphor cf. also 550 E and on 556 E.

32 ἀριστοκρατία is used by both Plato and Aristotle some times technically, sometimes etymologically as the government of the best, whoever they may be. Cf. 445 D, and Menex. 238 C-D (What Plato Said, p. 539).

33 Cf. Phaedr. 256 C 1, 475 A, 347 B.

34 Cf. on 544 A, p. 237, note g.

35 In considering the progress of degeneration portrayed in the following pages, it is too often forgotten that Plato is describing or satirizing divergences from ideal rather than an historical process. Cf. Rehm, Der Untergang Roms im abendländischen Denken, p. 11: “Plato gibt eine zum Mythos gesteigerte Naturgeschichte des Staates, so wie Hesiod eine als Mythos zu verstehende Natur-, d.h. Entartungsgeschichte des Menschengeschlechts gibt.” Cf. Sidney B. Fay, on Bury, The Idea of Progress, in “Methods of Social Science,” edited by Stuart A. Rice, p. 289: “ . . . there was a widely spread belief in an earlier ‘golden age’ of simplicity, which had been followed by a degeneration and decay of the human race. Plato's theory of degradation set forth a gradual deterioration through the successive stages of timocracy, oligarchy, democracy and despotism. The Greek theory of ‘cycles,’ with its endless, monotonous iteration, excluded the possibility of permanent advance or ‘progress.'” Kurt Singer, Platon der Gründer, p. 141, says that the timocratic state reminds one of late Sparta, the democratic of Athens after Pericles, the oligarchic is related to Corinth, and the tyrannical has some Syracusan features. Cicero, De div. ii., uses this book of the Republic to console himself for the revolutions in the Roman state, and Polybius's theory of the natural succession of governments is derived from it, with modifications (Polyb. vi. 4. 6 ff. Cf. vi. 9. 10 αὕτη πολιτειῶν ἀνακύκλωσις). Aristotle objects that in a cycle the ideal state should follow the tyranny.

36 Cf. on 544 C, p. 238, note b.

37 In Aristot.Eth. Nic. 1160 a 33-34, the meaning is “the rule of those who possess a property qualification.”

38 Cf. 577 A-B.

39 Cf. 582 A ff.

40 For the qualified assent Cf. HamletI. i. 19 “What? is Horatio there? A piece of him.” It is very frequent in the Republic, usually with γοῦν. Cf. 442 D, 469 B, 476 C, 501 C, 537 C, 584 A, 555 B, 604 D,and Vol. I. p. 30, note a, on 334 A; also 460 C and 398 B, where the interlocutor adds a condition, 392 B, 405 B, 556 E, 581 B, and 487 A, where he uses the corrective μὲν οὖν.

41 For the idea that the state is destroyed only by factions in the ruling class cf. also Laws 683 E. Cf. 465 B, Lysias xxv. 21, Aristot.Pol. 1305 b, 1306 a 10ὁμονοοῦσα δὲ ὀλιγαρχία οὐκ εὐδιάφθορος ἐξ αὑτῆς, 1302 a 10 Polybius, Teubner, vol. ii. p. 298 (vi. 57). Newman, Aristot.Pol. i. p. 521, says that Aristotle “does not remark on Plato's observation . . . though he cannot have agreed with it.” Cf. Halévy, Notes et souvenirs, p. 153 “l'histoire est là pour démontrer clairement que, depuis un siècle, not gouvernements n'ont jamais été renversés que par eux-mêmes”; Bergson, Les Deux Sources de la morale et de la religion, p. 303: “Mais l'instinct résiste. Il ne commence à céder que lorsque Ia classe supérieure elle-même l'y invite.”

42 For the mock-heroic style of this invocation Cf. Phaedr. 237 A, Laws 885 C.

43 Cf. 413 B, Meno 76 E, Aristot.Meteorol. 353 b 1, Wilamowitz, Platon, ii. p. 146.

44 Cf. Alc. I. 104 E.

45 Cf. What Plato Said, p. 627 on Laws 677 A; also Polyb. vi. 57, Cic.De rep. ii. 25.

46 Cf. Pindar, Mem. vi. 10-12 for the thought.

47 Cf. Tim. 28 Aδόξῃ μετ᾽ αἰσθήσεως.

48 For its proverbial obscurity cf. Cic.Ad att. vii. 13 “est enim numero Platonis obscurius,” Censorinus, De die natali xi. See supra,Introd. p. xliv for literature on this “number.”

49 προσήγορα: Cf. Theaet. 146 A.

50 Cf. 534 D; also Theaet. 202 Bῥητάς.

51 Cf. 409 D.

52 αὖ: cf. my note in Class. Phil. xxiii. (1928) pp. 285-287.

53 This does not indicate a change in Plato's attitude toward music, as has been alleged.

54 Cf. 415 A-B.

55 Cf. Theaet. 159 A.

56 γεvi terminiCf. 379 A-B.

57 Cf. 416 E-417 A, 521 A, Phaedrus 279 B-C.

58 For εἰς μέσον Cf. Protag. 338 A; 572 D, 558 B.

59 An allusion to Sparta. On slavery in Plato cf. Newman i. p. 143. Cf. 549 A, 578-579, Laws 776-777; Aristot.Pol. 1259 a 21 f., 1269 a 36 f., 1330 a 29.

60 Cf. 417 A-B.

61 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1328 b 41 and Newman i. pp. 107-108.

62 Cf. 416 E, 458 C, Laws 666 B, 762 C, 780 A-B, 781 C, 806 E, 839 C, Critias 112 C.

63 Cf. 397 E, Isoc. ii. 46ἁπλοῦς δ᾽ ἡγοῦνται τοὺς νοῦν οὐκ ἔχοντας. Cf. the psychology of Thucyd. iii. 83.

64 This was said to be characteristic of Sparta. Cf. Newman on Aristot.Pol. 1270 a 13, Xen.Rep. Lac. 14, 203 and 7. 6, and the Chicago Dissertation of P. H. Epps, The Place of Sparta in Greek History and Civilization, pp. 180-184.

65 Cf. 416 D.

66 Cf. Laws 681 A, Theaet. 174 E.

67 νεοττιάς suggests Horace's ‘tu nidum servas” (Epist. i. 10.6). Cf also Laws 776 A.

68 Cf. Laws 806 A-C, 637 B-C, Aristot.Pol. 1269 b 3, and Newman ii. p. 318 on the Spartan women. Cf. Epps, op. cit. pp. 322-346.

69 φιλαναλωταί, though different, suggests Sallust's “alieni appetens sui profusus” (Cat. 5). Cf. Cat. 52 “publice egestatem, privatim opulentiam.”

70 Cf. 587 A, Laws 636 D, Symp. 187 E, Phaedr. 251 E.

71 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1270 b 34 with Newman's note; and Euthyphro 2 C “tell his mother the state.”

72 Cf. Laws 720 D-E. This is not inconsistent with Polit. 293 A, where the context and the point of view are different.

73 This is of course not the mixed government which Plato approves Laws 691-692, 712 D-E, 759 B. Cf. What Plato Said, p. 629.

74 For διαφανέστατον cf. 544 D. The expression διαφανέστατον . . . ἕν τι μόνον, misunderstood and emended by ApeIt, is colored by an idea of Anaxagoras expressed by Lucretius i. 877-878: “illud Apparere unum cuius sint plurima mixta. Anaxag. Fr. 12. Diels 1.3, p. 405ἀλλ᾽ ὅτων πλεῖστα ἔνι, ταῦτα ἐνδηλότατα ἓν ἕκαστον ἐστι καὶ ἦν. Cf. Phaedr. 238 A, Cratyl. 393 misunderstood by Dümmler and emended (ἐναργής for ἐγκρατής)with the approval of Wilamowitz, Platon, ii. p. 350.

75 There is no contradiction between this and Laws 870 C if the passage is read carefully.

76 Cf. on 544 D, p. 240, note a.

77 Cf. Phaedo 65 A, Porphyry, De abst. i. 27, Teubner, p. 59ἐγγὺς τείνειν ἀποσιτίας.

78 αὐθαδέστερον. The fault of Prometheus (Aesch.P. V. 1034, 1937) and Medea must not be imputed to Glaucon.

79 Cf. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, who imitates or parodies Plato throughout, e.g. p. 83 “A little inaccessible to ideas and light,” and pp. 54-55 “The peculiar serenity of aristocracies of Teutonic origin appears to come from their never having had any ideas to trouble them.”

80 Cf. 475 D, 535 D, Lysis 206 C.

81 Cf. p. 249, note g, on 547 C, and Newman ii. p. 317. In i. p. 143, n. 3 he says that this implies slavery in the ideal state, in spite of 547 C.

82 Cf. Lysias xix. 18. Lysias xxi. portrays a typical φιλότιμος. Cf Phaedr. 256 C, Eurip.I. A. 527. He is a Xenophontic type. Cf Xen.Oecon. 14. 10, Hiero 7. 3, Agesil. 10. 4. Isoc.Antid. 141 and 226 uses the word in a good sense. Cf. “But if it be a sin to covet honor,” Shakes.Henry V. iv. iii. 28.

83 Cf. the ἀξιώματα of Laws 690 A, Aristot.Pol. 1280 a 8 ff., 1282 b 26, 1283-1284.

84 Cf. Arnold on the “barbarians” in Culture and Anarchy, pp. 78, 82, 84.

85 For the ἦθος of a state cf. Isoc.Nic. 31.

86 The Greek words λόγος and μουσική are untranslatable. Cf. also 560 B. For μουσική cf. 546 D. Newman i. p. 414 fancies that his is a return to the position of Book IV. from the disparagement of music in 522 A. Cf. Unity of Plato's Thought, p. 4 on this supposed ABA development of Plato's opinions.

87 δέ γ᾽ marks the transition from the description of the type to its origin. Cf. 547 E, 553 C, 556 B, 557 B, 560 D, 561 E, 563 B, 566 E. Ritter, pp. 69-70, comments on its frequency in this book, but does not note the reason. There are no cases in the first five pages.

88 Cf. Lysias xix. 18ἐκείνῳ μὲν γὰρ ἦν τὰ ἑαυτοῦ πράττειν, with the contrasted type ἀνήλωσεν ἐπιθυμῶν τιμᾶσθαι, Isoc.Antid. 227ἀπραγμονεστάτους μὲν ὄντας ἐν τῇ πόλει. Cf.πολυπραγμοσύνη444 B, 434 B, Isoc.Antid. 48, Peace 108,30, and 26, with Norlin's note (Loeb). Cf. also Aristoph.Knights 261.

89 ἐλαττοῦσθαι cf. Thuc. i. 77. 1, Aristot.Eth. Nic. 1198 b 26-32, Pol. 1319 a 3.

90 For πράγματα ἔχειν cf. 370 A, Gorg. 467 D, Alc. I. 119 B, Aristoph.Birds 1026, Wasps 1392. Cf.πράγματα παρέχειν, Rep. 505 A, 531 B, Theages 121 D, Herod. i. 155, Aristoph.Birds 931, Plutus 20, 102.

91 Wilamowitz, Platon, i. p. 434 with some exaggeration says that this is the only woman character in Plato and is probably his mother, Perictione. Pohlenz, Gött. Gel. Anz. 1921, p. 18, disagrees. For the complaints cf. Gerard, Four Years in Germany, p. 115 “Now if a lawyer gets to be about forty years old and is not some kind of a Rat his wife begins to nag him . . .”

92 Cf. Symp. 174 D, Isoc.Antid. 227.

93 Cf. the husband in Lysias i. 6.

94 λίαν ἀνειμένος: one who has grown too slack or negligent. Cf. Didot, Com. Fr. p. 728τίς ὧδε μῶρος καὶ λίαν ἀνειμένος; Porphyry, De abst. ii. 58.

95 Cf. Phaedo 60 A. For Plato's attitude towards women Cf. What Plato Said, p. 632, on Laws 631 D.

96 ὑμνεῖν. Cf. Euthydem. 296 D, Soph.Ajax 292. Commentators have been troubled by the looseness of Plato's style in this sentence. Cf. Wilamowitz, Platon, ii. p. 385.

97 Cf. Aristoph.Thesm. 167ὅμοια γὰρ ποιεῖν ἀνάγκη τῇ φύσει.

98 ἕτερα τοιαῦτα: cf. on 488 B; also Gorg. 481 E, 482 A, 514 D, Euthyd. 298 E, Protag. 326 A, Phaedo 58 D, 80 D, Symp. 201 E, etc.

99 Cf. What Plato Said, p. 480, on Charm. 161 B.

100 τότε δή cf. 551 A, 566 C, 330 E, 573 A, 591 A, Phaedo 85 A, 96 B and D, Polit. 272 E. Cf. also τότ᾽ ἤδη, on 565 C.

101 Cf. on 439 D, Vol. I. p. 397, note d.

102 For these three principles of the soul cf. on 435 A ff., 439 D-E ff., 441 A.

103 Cf. the fragment of Menander,φθείρουσιν ἤθη χρήσθ᾽ ὁμιλίαι κακαί, quoted in 1Cor. xv. 33 (Kock, C.A.F. iii. No. 218). Cf. also Phaedr. 250 Aὑπό τινων ὁμιλιῶν, Aesch.Seven Against Thebes 599ἔσθ᾽ ὁμιλίας κακῆς κάκιον οὐδέν.

104 Cf. p. 249, note f.

105 Cf. 553 B-C, 608 B.

106 ὑψηλόφρων is a poetical word. Cf. Eurip.I. A. 919.

107 Cf. p. 255, note f.

108 λέγ᾽ ἄλλον ἄλλαις ἐν πύλαις εἰληχότα.

109 Cf. Laws 743 C, and Class. Phil. ix. (1914) p. 345.

110 Cf. Aristot.Eth. Nic. 1160 a 33, Isoc.Panath. 131, Laws 698 Baliter.

111 Cf. 465 D, Soph. 241 D.

112 Cf. 548 A, 416 D.

113 εἰς τὸ πρόσθεν: cf. 437 A, 604 B, Prot. 339 D, Symp. 174 D, Polit. 262 D, Soph. 258 C, 261 B, Alc. I. 132 B, Protag. 357 D where ἧς is plainly wrong, Aristoph.Knights 751.

114 Cf. 591 D, Laws 742 E, 705 B, 8931 C ff., 836 A, 919 B with Rep. 421 D; also Aristot.Pol. 1273 a 37-38.

115 Cf. on 544 E, Demosth. v. 12.

116 This sentence has been much quoted. Cf. Cic.Tusc. i. 2 “honos alit artes . . . iacentque ea semper, quae apud quosque inprobantur.” Themistius and Libanius worked it into almost every oration. Cf. Mrs. W. C. Wright, The Emperor Julian, p. 70, n. 3. Cf. also Stallbaum ad loc. For ἀσκεῖται cf. Pindar, Ol. viii. 22.

117 ὅρον: cf. 551 C, Laws 714 C, 962 D, 739 D, 626 B, Menex. 238 D, Polit. 293 E, 296 E, 292 C, Lysis 209 C, Aristot.Pol. 1280 a 7, 1271 a 35, and Newman i. p. 220, Eth. Nic. 1138 b 23. Cf. also τέλοςRhet. 1366 a 3. For the true criterion of office-holding see Laws 715 C-D and Isoc. xii. 131. For wealth as the criterion cf. Aristot.Pol. 1273 a 37.

118 For ταξάμενοι cf. Vol. I. p. 310, note c, on 416 E.

119 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1301 b 13-14.

120 Cf. 557 A.

121 Cf. 488, and Polit. 299 B-C, What Plato Said, p. 521, on Euthydem. 291 D.

122 Stallbaum says that ἐπιτρέποι is used absolutely as in 575 D, Symp. 213 E, Lysis 210 B, etc. Similarly Latin permitto. Cf. Shorey on Jowett's translation of Meno 92 A-B, A. J. P. xiii. p. 367. See too Diog. L. i. 65.

123 Men are the hardest creatures to govern. Cf. Polit. 292 D, and What Plato Said, p. 635, on Laws 766 A.

124 For the idea that a city should be a unity Cf. Laws 739 D and on 423 A-B. Cf. also 422 E with 417 A-B, Livy ii. 24 “adeo duas ex una civitate discordia fecerat.” Aristot.Pol. 1316 b 7 comments ἄτοπον δὲ καὶ τὸ φάναι δύο πόλεις εἶναι τὴν ὀλιγαρχικήν, πλουσίων καὶ πενήτων . . . and tries to prove the point by his topical method.

125 Cf. 417 B.

126 For the idea that the rulers fear to arm the people cf. Thuc. iii. 27, Livy iii. 15 “consules et armare pIebem et inermem pati timebant.”

127 He plays on the word. In 565 Cὡς ἀληθῶς ὀλιγαρχικούς is used in a different sense. Cf. Symp. 181 Aὡς ἀληθῶς πάνδημος, Phaedo 80 Dεἰς Ἅιδου ὡς ἀληθῶς.

128 Cf. 374 B, 434 A, 443 D-E. For the specialty of function Cf. What Plato Said, p. 480, on Charm. 161 E.

129 So in the Laws the householder may not sell his lot, Laws 741 B-C, 744 D-E. Cf. 755 A, 857 A, Aristot.Pol. 1270 a 19, Newman i. p. 376.

130 Cf Aristot.Pol. 1326 a 20, Newman i. pp. 98 and 109. Cf Leslie Stephen, Util. ii. 111 “A vast populace has grown up outside of the old order.”

131 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1266 b 13.

132 ἑτοίμων“things ready at hand.” Cf. 573 A, Polyb. vi. (Teubner, vol. ii. p. 237); Horace Epist. i. 2. 27 “fruges consumere nati.”

133 Cf. Laws 901 A, Hesiod, Works and Days 300 f., Aristoph.Wasps 1071 ff., Eurip.Suppl. 242, Xen.Oecon. 17. 15, and Virgil, Georg. iv. 168 “ignavum fucos pecus a praesepibus arcent.” the sentence was much quoted. Stallbaum refers to Ruhnken on Tim. 157 ff. for many illustration, and to Petavius adThemist.Orat. xxiii. p. 285 D.

134 Cf 498 A, Laws 653 A; also the modern distinction between defectives and delinquents.

135 κέκληνται: cf. 344 B-C.

136 βίᾳ is so closely connected with κατέχουσιν that the double dative is not felt to be awkward. But Adam takes ἐπιμελείᾳ as an adverb.

137 Cf. on 550 C. p. 261, note h.

138 Cf. 410 B, Homer Od. xix. 436ἴχνη ἐρευνῶντος, ii. 406, iii. 30, v. 193, vii. 38μετ᾽ ἴχνια βαῖνε.

139 For πταίσαντα cf.Aesch.Prom. 926, Ag. 1624 (Butl. emend.).

140 Cf. Aesch.Ag. 1007, Eumen. 564, Thuc. vii. 25. 7, and Thompson on Phaedr. 255 D.

141 Lit. “spilling.” Cf. Lucian, Timon 23.

142 For ἐκπεσόντα cf. 560 A, 566 A. In Xen.An. vii. 5. 13 it is used of shipwreck. Cf.εκ̓βάλλοντες488 C.

143 Cf. Herod. vii. 136.

144 Cf. Aesch.Ag. 983. Cf. 550 B.

145 For γλίσχρως cf. on 488 A, Class. Phil. iv. p. 86 on Diog. L. iv. 59, Aelian, Epist. Rust. 18γλίσχρως τε καὶ κατ᾽ ὀλίγον.

146 ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν: Cf. Protag. 315 B, Tim. 46 C, Critias 117 C, etc., Herod. iv. 175.

147 Cf. 554 A, 556 C, Xen.Mem. ii. 6. 4μηδὲ πρὸς ἓν ἄλλο σχολὴν ποιεῖται ἢ ὁπόθεν αὐτός τι κερδανεῖ, and Aristot.Pol. 1257 b 407, and 330 C. See too Inge, Christian Ethics, p. 220: “The Times obituary notice of Holloway (of the pills) will suffice. ‘Money-making is an art by itself; it demands for success the devotion of the whole man,'” etc. For the phrase σκοπεῖν ὁπόθεν cf. Isoc.Areop. 83, Panegyr. 133-134σκοπεῖν ἐξ ὧν.

148 Cf. on 558 D, p. 291, note i.

149 αὐχμηρός: Cf. Symp. 203 D.

150 For περιουσίαν cf. Blaydes on Aristoph.Clouds 50 and Theaet. 154 E.

151 Cf. Phaedr. 256 E, Meno 90 A-B by implication. Numenius (ed. Mullach iii. 159) relates of Lacydes that he was “a bit greedy (ὑπογλισχρότερος) and after a fashion a thrifty manager (οἰκονομικός） —as the expression is—the sort approved by most people.” Emerson, The Young American,“they recommend conventional virtues, whatever will earn and preserve property.” But this is not always true in an envious democracy: cf. Isoc. xv. 159-160 and America today.

152 Plato distinctly refers to the blind god Wealth. Cf. Aristoph.Plutus,Eurip. fr. 773, Laws 631 C πλοῦτος οὐ τυφλός which was often quoted. Cf. What Plato Said, p. 624, Otto, p. 60.

153 Cf. Herod. iii. 34, vii. 107.

154 Cf. 552 Eἐπιμελείᾳ βίᾳ. For ἄλλης cf. 368 Bἐκ τοῦ ἄλλου τοῦ ὑμετέρου τρόπου.

155 For the treatment of inferiors and weaker persons as a test of character Cf. Laws 777 D-E, Hesiod, Works and Days, 330, and Murray, Rise of the Greek Epic, pp. 84-85, who, however, errs on the meaning of αἰδώς. For orphans cf. also Laws 926-928, 766 C, 877 C, 909 C-D.

156 ἐπιεικεῖ is here used generally, and not in its special sense of “sweet reasonableness.”

157 For ἐνούσας Cf. Phileb. 16 D, Symp. 187 E.

158 Cf. 463 D. For the idea here Cf. Phaedo 68-69, What Plato Said, p. 527.

159 For the idea “at war with himself,” Cf. 440 B and E (στάσις), Phaedr. 237 D-E, and Aristot.Eth. Nic. 1099 a 12 f.

160 Cf. 397 E.

161 Cf. on 443 D-E, Vol. I. p. 414, note e; also Phaedo 61 A, and What Plato Said, p. 485 on Laches 188 D.

162 ὀλιγαρχικῶς keeps up the analogy between the man and the state. Cf. my “Idea of Justice,”Ethical Record,Jan. 1890, pp. 188, 191, 195.

163 i.e. he saves the cost of a determined fight. For the effect of surprise cf. on 544 C, p. 239, note f.

164 ὁμοιότητι: cf. 576 C.

165 Cf. Phileb. 55 Cεἰς τὴν κρίσιν, Laws 856 C, 943 C.

166 The σκοπός or ὅρος. Cf. on 551 A, p. 263, note e, and Aristot.Eth. Nic. 1094 a 2.

167 Ackermann, Das Christliche bei Plato, compares Luke xvi.13 “Ye cannot serve God and Mammon.” Cf. also Laws 742 D-E, 727 E f., 831 C.

168 ἀκολασταίνεινCf. Gorg. 478 A, Phileb. 12 D.

169 Cf. Laws 832 Aοὐκ ἀφυεῖς. For the men reduced to poverty swelling the number of drones cf. Eurip.Herc. Fur. 588-592, and Wilamowitz ad loc.

170 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1305 b 40-41, 1266 b 14.

171 Cf. Persius, Sat. ii. 61 “o curvae in terras animae, et caelestium inanes,” Cf. 586 Aκεκυφότες. Cf. also on 553 D for the general thought.

172 Cf. Euthyph. 5 C, Polit. 287 A, Aristoph.Peace 1051, Plut. 837, Eurip.Hippol. 119, I. T. 956, Medea 67, Xen.Hell. iv. 5. 6.

173 Or, as Ast, Stallbaum and others take it, “the poison of their money.”τιτρώσκοντες suggests the poisonous sting, especially as Plato has been speaking of hives and drones. For ἐνιέντες cf. Eurip.Bacchae 851ἐνεὶς . . . λύσσαν, “implanting madness.” In the second half of the sentence the figure is changed, the poison becoming the parent, i.e. the principal, which breeds interest,. cf. 507 A, p. 96.

174 Cf. on 552 A, Laws 922 E-923 A.

175 Cf. Protag. 327 Dἀναγκάζουσα ἀρετῆς ἐπιμελεῖσθαι, Symp. 185 B, and for ἐπιμελεῖσθαι Cf. What Plato Said, p. 464, on Apol. 29 D-E.

176 For refusing to enforce monetary contracts Cf. Laws 742 C, 849 E, 915 E, and Newman ii. p. 254 on Aristot.Pol. 1263 b 21.

177 Cf. What Plato Said, p. 483, on Laches 179 D, and Aristot.Pol. 1310 a 23.

178 Cf. 429 C-D, Laches 191 D-E, Laws 633 D.

179 Cf. Tucker on Aesch.Suppl. 726.

180 Cf. Soph.Ajax 758περισσὰ κἀνόνητα σώματα.

181 For a similar picture cf. Aristoph.Frogs 1086-1098. Cf. also Gorg. 518 C, and for the whole passage Xen.Mem. iii. 5. 15, Aristot.Pol. 1310 a 24-25.

182 The poor, though stronger, are too cowardly to use force. For κακίᾳ τῇ σφετέρᾳ cf. Lysias ii. 65κακίᾳ τῇ αὑτῶν, Rhesus 813-814τῇ Φρυγῶν κακανδρίᾳ, Phaedrus 248 B, Symp. 182 D, Crito 45 E, Eurip.Androm. 967, Aristoph.Thesm. 868τῇ κοράκων πονηρίᾳ.

183 Cf. Soph.O. T. 961σμικρὰ παλαῖα σώματ᾽ εὐνάζει ῥοπή” a slight impulse puts aged bodies to sleep,” Demosth.Olynth. ii. 9 and 21. Cf. 544 E.

184 Cf. Polyb. vi. 57. Montaigne, apudHöffding, i. 30 “Like every other being each illness has its appointed time of development and close—interference is futile,” with Tim. 89 B.

185 Cf. Thuc. i. 3, ii. 68, iv. 64, Herod. ii. 108.

186 στασιάζει is applied here to disease of body. Cf. Herod. v. 28νοσήσασα ἐς τὰ μάλιστα στάσι, “grievously ill of faction.” Cf. on 554 D, p. 276, note c.

187 Cf. 488 C, 560 A, Gorg. 466 C, 468 D, Prot. 325 B. Exile, either formal or voluntary, was always regarded as the proper thing for the defeated party in the Athenian democracy. The custom even exists at the present time. Venizelos, for instance, has frequently, when defeated at the polls, chosen to go into voluntary exile. But that term, in modern as in ancient Greece, must often be interpreted cum grano salis.

188 ἐξ ἴσου: one of the watchwords of democracy. Cf. 561 B and C, 599 B, 617 C, Laws 919 D, Alc. I. 115 D, Crito 50 E, Isoc.Archid. 96, Peace 3.

189 But Isoc.Areop. 22-23 considers the lot undemocratic because it might result in the establishment in office of men with oligarchical sentiments. See Norlin ad loc.For the use of the lot in Plato Cf. Laws 759 B, 757 E, 690 C, 741 B-C, 856 D, 946 B, Rep. 460 A, 461 E. Cf. Apelt, p. 520.

190 Cf. 551 B.

191 ἐξουσία: cf. Isoc. xii. 131τὴν δ᾽ ἐξουσίαν ὅ τι βούλεται τις ποιεῖν εὐδαιμονίαν. Cf. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, chap. ii. Doing as One Likes.

192 κατασκευή is a word of all work in Plato. Cf. 419 A, 449 A, 455 A, Gorg. 455 E, 477 B, etc.

193 παντοδαπός usually has an unfavorable connotation in Plato. Cf. 431 b-C, 561 D, 567 E, 550 D, Symp. 198 B, Gorg. 489 C, Laws 788 C, etc. Isoc. iv. 45 uses it in a favorable sense, but in iii. 16 more nearly as Plato does. for the mixture of things in a democracy cf. Xen.Rep. Ath. 2. 8φωνῇ καὶ διαίτῃ καὶ σχήματι . . . Ἀθηναῖοι δὲ κεκραμένῃ ἐξ ἁπάντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ βαρβάρων; and Laws 681 D. Libby, Introduction to History of Science, p. 273, says “Arnold failed in his analysis of American civilization to confirm Plato's judgement concerning the variety of natures to be found in the democratic state.” De Tocqueville also, and many English observers, have commented on the monotony and standardization of American life.

194 For the idea that women and children like many colors cf. Sappho's admiration for Jason's mantle mingled with all manner of colors (Lyr. Graec. i. 196). For the classing together of women and boys Cf. Laws 658 D, Shakes.As You Like It,III. ii. 435 “As boys and women are for the most part cattle of this color,” Faguet, Nineteenth Century“Lamartine a été infiniment aimé des adolescents sérieux et des femmes distinguées.”

195 Cf. Plutarch, Dion 53. Burke says “A republic, as an ancient philosopher has observed, is no one species of government, but a magazine of every species.” Cf. Laws 789 B for an illustration of the point. Filmer, Patriarcha, misquotes this saying “The Athenians sold justice . . . , which made Plato call a popular estate a fair where everything is to be sold.”

196 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1271 a 12δεῖ γὰρ καὶ βουλόμενον καὶ μὴ βουλόμενον ἄρχειν τὸν ἄξιον τῆς ἀρχῆς. cf. 347 B-C.

197 Cf. Laws 955 B-C, where a penalty is pronounced for making peace or war privately, and the parody in Aristoph.Acharn. passim.

198 διαγωγή: cf. 344 E, where it is used more seriously of the whole conduct of life. Cf. also Theaet. 177 A, Polit. 274 D, Tim. 71 D, Laws 806 E, Aristot.Met. 981 b 18 and 982 b 24 uses the word in virtual anaphora with pleasure. See too Zeller, Aristot. ii. pp. 307-309, 266, n. 5.

199 Cf. 562 D. For the mildness of the Athenian democracy cf. Aristot.Ath. Pol. 22. 19, Demosth. xxi. 184, xxii. 51, xxiv. 51 Lysias vi. 34, Isoc.Antid. 20, Areopagit. 67-68, Hel. 27; also Menex. 243 E and also Euthydem. 303 Dδημοτικόν τι καὶ πρᾷον ἐν τοῖς λόγοις. Here the word πρᾳότης is ironically transferred to the criminal himself.

200 κομψή: cf. 376 A, Theaet. 171 A.

201 For περινοστεῖ cf. Lucian, Bis Acc. 6, Aristoph.Plut. 121, 494, Peace 762.

202 His being unnoticed accords better with the rendering “spirit,” “one returned from the dead” (a perfectly possible meaning for ἥρως. Wilamowitz, Platon, i. p. 435 translates “Geist”) than with that of a hero returning from the wars. Cf. Adam ad loc.

203 For οὐδ᾽ ὁπωστιοῦν σμικρολογία cf. on 532 Bἔτι ἀδυναμία.

204 σεμνύνοντες here has an ironical or colloquial tone—“high-brow,” “top-lofty.”

205 Cf. 401 B-C, 374 C and on 467 A, Laws 643 B, Delacroix, Psychologie de l'art, p. 46.

206 For ὑπερβεβλημένη Cf. Laws 719 D, Eurip.Alcest. 153.

207 μεγαλοπρεπῶς is often ironical in Plato. Cf. 362 C, Symp. 199 C, Charm. 175 C, Theaet. 161 C, Meno 94 B, Polit. 277 B, Hipp. Maj. 291 E.

208 In Aristoph.Knights 180 ff. Demosthenes tells the sausage-seller that his low birth and ignorance and his trade are the very things that fit him for political leadership.

209 Cf. Aristoph.Knights 732 f., 741 and passim. Andoc. iv. 16εὔνους τῷ δήμῳ. Emile Faguet, Moralistes, iii. p. 84, says of Tocqueville, “Il est bien je crois le premier qui ait dit que la démocratie abaisse le niveau intellectuel des gouvernements.” For the other side of the democratic shield see Thucyd. ii. 39.

210 For the ironical use of γενναία cf. 544 C, Soph. 231 B, Theaet. 209 E.

211 ἡδεῖα: cf. Isoc. vii. 70 of good government,τοῖς χρωμένοις ἡδίους.

212 Cf. What Plato Said, p. 634, on Laws 744 B-C, and ibid. p. 508 on Gorg. 508 A, Aristot.Eth. Nic. 1131 a 23-24, Newman, i. p. 248, Xen.Cyr. ii. 2. 18.

213 Cf. 572 C, Theogn. 915 f., Anth. Pal. x. 41, Democr. fr. 227 and 228, DieIs ii.3 p. 106, and Epicharm.fr. 45, Diels i.3 126.

214 Cf. What Plato Said, p.485, on Laches 190 B, and p. 551, on Phaedr. 237 E.

215 Cf. 554 A, 571 B, Phaedo 64 D-E, Phileb. 62 E, Aristot.Eth. Nic. 1147 b 29. The Epicureans made much of this distinction. Cf. Cic.De fin. i. 13. 45, Tusc. v. 33, 93, Porphyry, De abst. i. 49. Ath. xii. 511 quotes this passage and says it anticipates the Epicureans.

216 Or “grasp them in outline.”

217 For ὄψον cf. on 372 C, Vol. I. p. 158, note a.

218 For κολαζομένη cf. 571 B, Gorg. 505 B, 491 E, 507 D. For the thought cf. also 519 A-B.

219 Lit. “money-making.” Cf. 558 D.

220 For γέμοντα cf. 577 D, 578 A, 603 D, 611 B, Gorg. 525 A, 522 E, etc.

221 αἴθων occurs only here in Plato. It is common in Pindar and tragedy. Ernst Maass, “Die Ironie des Sokrates,”Sokrates, 11, p. 94 “Platon hat an jener Stelle des Staats, von der wir ausgingen, die schlimmen Erzieher gefährliche Fuchsbestien genannt.” (Cf. Pindar, Ol. xi. 20.)

222 Cf. on 557 C, p. 286, note a.

223 Cf. 554 D.

224 For the metaphor cf. Xen.Mem. i. 2. 24ἐδυνάσθην ἐκείνῳ χρωμένω συμμάχῳ τῶν μὴ καλῶν ἐπιθυμιῶν κρατεῖν, “they [Critias and Alcibiades] found in him [Socrates] an ally who gave them strength to conquer their evil passions.” (Loeb tr.)

225 Cf. on 554 D, p. 276, note c.

226 τινες . . . αἱ μὲν . . . αἱ δὲ. For the partitive apposition cf. 566 E, 584 D, Gorg. 499 C. Cf. also Protag. 330 A, Gorg. 450 C, Laws 626 E, Eurip.Hec. 1185-1186.

227 Cf. Tim. 90 A.

228 For the idea of guardians of the soul Cf. Laws 961 D, 549 B Cf. also on Phaedo 113 D, What Plato Said, p. 536.

229 Cf. Phaedo 92 D.

230 Plato, like Matthew Arnold, liked to use nicknames for classes of people: Cf. Rep. 415 Dγηγενεῖς, Theaet. 181 Aῥέοντας, Soph. 248 Aεἰδῶν φίλους, Phileb. 44 Eτοῖς δυσχερέσιν. So Arnold in Culture and Anarchy uses Populace, Philistines, Barbarians, Friends of Culture, etc., Friends of Physical Science, Lit. and Dogma, p. 3.

231 βοήθεια: cf. Aristot.De an. 404 a 12.

232 Cf. 474 D, Thucyd. iii. 82 Wilamowitz, Platon, i. 435-436 says that Plato had not used Thucydides. But cf. Gomperz iii. 331, and What Plato Said, pp. 2-3, 6, 8. See Isoc.Antid. 284σκώπτειν καὶ μιμεῖσθαι δυναμένους εὐφυεῖς καλοῦσι, etc., Areop. 20 and 49, Aristot.Eth. Nic. 1180 b 25, Quintil. iii. 7. 25 and viii. 6. 36, Sallust, Cat.C 52 “iam pridem equidem nos vera vocabula rerum amisimus,” etc.

233 ὑπερορίζουσι: cf. Laws 855 Cὑπερορίαν φυγάδα, 866 D.

234 Cf. 567 C and 573 B where the word is also used ironically, and Laws 735, Polit. 293 D, Soph. 226 D.

235 κατέχομαι is used of divine “possession” or inspiration in Phaedr. 244 E, Ion 533 E, 536 B, etc., Xen.Symp. 1. 10.

236 Plato frequently employs the language of the mysteries for literary effect. Cf. Gorg. 497 C, Symp. 210 A and 218 B, Theaet. 155 E-156 A, Laws 666 B, 870 D-E, Phaedr. 250 B-C, 249 C, Phaedo 81 A, 69 C, Rep. 378 A, etc., and Thompson on Meno 76 E.

237 Cf. Eurip.fr. 628. 5 (Nauck), Soph.El. 1130.

238 For the ironical δή cf. 562 D, 563 B, 563 D, 374 B, 420 E and on 562 E, p. 307, note h.

239 Cf. Phaedr. 241 Aμεταβαλὼν ἄλλον ἄρχοντα ἐν αὑτῷ. For this type of youth Cf. Thackeray's Barnes Newcome. For the lot Cf. supra, p. 285, note d, on 557 A.

240 Notice the frequency of the phrase ἐξ ἴσου in this passage. Cf. 557 A.

241 An obvious reference to the Gorgias. Cf. Gorg. 494 E, Phileb. 13 B ff., Protag. 353 D ff., Laws 733.

242 The Greek Says “throws back his head”—the characteristic negative gesture among Greeks. In Aristoph.Acharn. 115 the supposed Persians give themselves away by nodding assent and dissent in Hellenic style, as Dicaeopolis says.

243 For the word καταυλούμενος cf. 411 A, Laws 790 E, Lucian, Bis acc. 17, and for the passive Eur.I. T. 367. Cf. also Philetaerus, Philaulus, fr. 18, Kock ii. p. 235, Eur.fr. 187. 3μολπαῖσι δ᾽ ἡσθεὶς τοῦτ᾽ ἀεὶ θηρεύεται. For the type cf. Theophrastus, Char. 11, Aristoph.Wasps 1475 ff.

244 Cf. Protag. 319 D.

245 For ὅ τι ἂν τύχῃ cf. on 536 A, p. 213, note f,ὅταν τύχῃEurip.Hippol. 428, I. T. 722, Eurip.Fr. 825 (Didot),ὅπου ἂν τύχωσινXen.Oec. 20. 28,ὃν ἂν τύχῃςEurip.Tor. 68.

246 παντοδαπόν: cf. on 557 C.

247 Cf. 557 D.

248 For the irony cf. 607 Eτῶν καλῶν πολιτειῶν, 544 Cγενναία, 558 Cἡδεῖα.

249 τίς τρόπος . . . γίγνεται is a mixture of two expressions that need not be pressed. Cf. Meno 96 D, Epist. vii. 324 B. A. G. Laird, in Class. Phil., 1918, pp. 89-90 thinks it means “What τρόπος(of the many τρόποι in a democracy) develops into a τρόπος of tyranny; for that tyranny is a transformation of democracy is fairly evident.” That would be a recognition of what Aristotle says previous thinkers overlook in their classification of polities.

250 Their idea of good. Cf. 555 b προκειμένου ἀγαθοῦ. Cf. Laws 962 E with Aristot.Pol. 1293 b 14 ff. Cf. also Aristot.Pol. 1304 b 20αἱ μὲν οὖν δημοκρατίαι μάλιστα μεταβάλλουσι διὰ τὴν τῶν δημαγωγῶν ἀσέλγειαν. Cf. also p. 263, note e on 551 B (ὅρος) and p. 139, note c on 519 C (σκοπός).

251 Cf. 552 B, and for the disparagement of wealth p. 262, note b, on 550 E.

252 Zeller, Aristot. ii. p. 285, as usual credits Aristotle with the Platonic thought that every form of government brings ruin on itself by its own excess.

253 Cf. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, p. 43 “The central idea of English life and politics is the assertion of personal liberty.”

254 Aristot.Pol. 1263 b 29 says life would be impossible in Plato's Republic.

255 ᾖα . . . ἐρῶν: cf. 449 A, Theaet. 180 C.

256 Or “protectors,” “tribunes,”προστατούντων. Cf. on 565 C, p. 318, note d.

257 Cf. Livy xxxix. 26 “velut ex diutina siti nimis avide meram haurientes libertatem,” Seneca, De benefic. i. 10 “male dispensata libertas,” Taine, Letter,Jan. 2, 1867 “nous avons proclamé et appliqué l’égalité . . . C’est un vin pur et généreux; mais nous avons bu trop du nôtre.”

258 μιαρούς is really stronger, “pestilential fellows.” Cf. Apol. 23 D, Soph.Antig. 746. It is frequent in Aristophanes.

259 For the charge of oligarchical tendencies cf. Isoc.Peace 51 and 133, Areop. 57, Antid. 318, Panath. 158.

260 Cf. Symp. 184 C, 183 A. Cf. the essay of Estienne de la Boétie, De la servitude volontaire. Also Gray, Ode for Music, 6 “Servitude that hugs her chain.”

261 For οὐδὲν ὄντας cf. 341 C, Apol. 41 E, Symp. 216 E, Gorg. 512 C, Erastae 134 C, Aristoph.Eccles. 144, Horace, Sat. ii. 7. 102 “nil ego,” Eurip.I. A. 371, Herod. ix. 58οὐδένες ἐόντες.

262 Cf. Laws 699 Eἐπὶ πᾶσαν ἐλευθερίαν, Aristoph.Lysistr. 543ἐπὶ πᾶν ἰέναι, Soph.El. 615εἰς πᾶν ἔργον.

263 Cf. 563 C, Laws 942 D.

264 A common conservative complaint. Cf. Isoc.Areop. 49, Aristoph.Clouds, 998, 1321 ff., Xen.Rep. Ath. 1. 10, Mem. iii. 5. 15; Newman i. pp. 174 and 339-340. Cf. also Renan, Souvenirs, xviii.-xx., on American vulgarity and liberty; Harold Lasswell, quoting Bryce, “Modern Democracies,” in Methods of Social Science, ed. by Stuart A. Rice, p. 376: “The spirit of equality is alleged to have diminished the respect children owe to parents, and the young to the old. This was noted by Plato in Athens. But surely the family relations depend much more on the social, structural and religious ideas of a race than on forms of government”; Whitman, “Where the men and women think lightly of the laws . . . where children are taught to be laws to themselves . . . there the great city stands.

265 For the ironical ἵνα δή cf. on 561 B. Cf. Laws 962 Eἐλεύθερον δή, Meno 86 and Aristoph.Clouds 1414.

266 Cf. Protag. 336 A, Theaet. 174 A, 168 B.

267 For εὐτραπελίας cf. Isoc. xv. 296, vii. 49, Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 1108 a 23. In Rhet. 1389 b 11 he defines it as πεπαιδευμένη ὕβρις. Arnold once addressed the Eton boys on the word.

268 Cf. Xen.Rep. Ath. 1. 10.τῶν δούλων δ᾽ αὖ καὶ τῶν μετοίκων πλείστη ἐστὶν Ἀθήνησιν ἀκολασία, Aristoph.Clouds init., and on slavery Laws 777 E, p. 249, note g on 547 C and 549 A.

269 Nauck fr. 351. Cf. Plut.Amat. 763 C, Themist.Orat. iv. p. 52 B; also Otto, p. 39, and Adam ad loc.

270 Cf. 562 E, Julian, Misopogon, 355 B . . .μέχρι τῶν ὄνων ἐστὶν ἐλευθερία παρ᾽ αὐτοῖς καὶ τῶν καμήλων; ἄγουσί τοι καὶ ταύτας οἱ μισθωτοὶ διὰ τῶν στοῶν ὥσπερ τὰς νύμφας” . . . what great independence exists among the citizens, even down to the very asses and camels? The men who hire them out lead even these animals through the porticoes as though they were brides.” (Loeb tr.) Cf. Porphyry, Vit. Pythag.Teubner, p. 22, 23μέχρι καὶ τῶν ἀλόγων ζῴων διικνεῖτο αὐτοῦ ἡ νουθέτησις

271 Otto, p. 119. Cf. “Like mistress, like maid.”

272 Eurip.Ion 635-637 mentions being jostled off the street by a worse person as one of the indignities of Athenian city life.

273 Cf. the reflections in Laws 698 f., 701 A-C, Epist. viii. 354 D, Gorg. 461 E; Isoc.Areop. 20, Panath. 131, Eurip.Cyclops 120ἀκούει δ᾽ οὐδὲν οὐδεὶς οὐδενός, Aristot.Pol. 1295 b 15 f. Plato, by reaction against the excesses of the ultimate democracy, always satirizes the shibboleth “liberty” in the style of Arnold, Ruskin and Carlyle. He would agree with Goethe (Eckermann i. 219, Jan. 18, 1827) “Nicht das macht frei, das vir nichts über uns erkennen wollen, sondern eben, dass wir etwas verehren, das über uns ist.” Libby, Introd. to Hist. of Science, p. 273, not understanding the irony of the passage, thinks much of it the unwilling tribute of a hostile critic. In Gorg. 484 A Callicles sneers at equality from the point of view of the superman. Cf. also on 558 C, p. 291, note f; Hobbes, Leviathan xxi. and Theopompus's account of democracy in Byzantium, fr. 65. Similar phenomena may be observed in an American city street or Pullman club car.

274 Cf Callimachus, Anth. Pal. vi. 310, and xii. 148μὴ λέγε . . . τοὐμὸν ὄνειρον ἐμοί, Cic.Att. vi. 9. 3, Lucian, Somnium seu Gallus 7ὥσπερ γὰρ τοὐμὸν ἐνύπνιον ἰδών, Tennyson, “Lucretius”: “That was mine, my dream, I knew it.”

275 This sensitiveness, on which Grote remarks with approval, is characteristic of present-day American democracy. Cf. also Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, p. 51 “And so if he is stopped from making Hyde Park a bear garden or the streets impassable he says he is being butchered by the aristocracy.”

276 Cf. Gorg. 491 Eδουλεύων ὁτῳοῦν, Laws 890 A.

277 Cf. Laws 701 Bνόμων ζητεῖν μὴ ὑπηκόοις εἶναι

278 For unwritten law Cf. What Plato Said, p. 637, on Laws 793 A.

279 Cf. Lysias xxv. 27, Isoc. viii. 108, vii. 5, Cic.De rep. i. 44 “nam ut ex nimia potentia principum oritur interitus principum, sic hunc nimis liberum . . . “ etc.

280 For the generalization Cf. Symp. 188 A-B.

281 Cf. 565 D. The slight exaggeration of the expression is solemnly treated by ApeIt as a case of logical false conversion in Plato.

282 Plato keeps to the point. Cf. on 531 C, p. 193, note i.

283 ταὐτόν implies the concept. Cf. Parmen. 130 D, Phileb. 34 E, 13 B, Soph. 253 D. Cf. also Tim. 83 C, Meno 72 C, Rep. 339 A.

284 Cf. 555 D-E.

285 Cf. the parallel of soul and body in 444 C f., Soph. 227Crito 47 D f., Gorg. 504 B-C, 505 B, 518 A, 524 D. For φλέγμα Cf. Tim. 83 C, 85 A-B.

286 μάλιστα μὲν . . . ἂν δέ: cf. 378 A, 414 C, 461 C, 473 B, Apol. 34 A, Soph. 246 D.

287 For εὐκρινέστερον Cf. Soph. 246 D.

288 Cf. Phileb. 23 C, which Stenzel says argues an advance over the Sophist, because Plato is no longer limited to a bipartite division.

289 Cf. 573 A.

290 ἀνέχεται cf. Isoc. viii. 14ὅτι δημοκρατίας οὔσης οὐκ ἔστι παρρησία, etc. For the word cf. Aristoph.Acharn. 305οὐκ ἀνασχήσομαι, Wasps 1337.

291 For βλίττεται cf. Blaydes on Aristoph.Knights 794.

292 That is the significance of πλούσιοι here, lit. “the rich.”

293 For the classification of the population cf. Vol. I. pp. 151-163, Eurip.Suppl. 238 ff., Aristot.Pol. 1328 b ff., 1289 b 33, 1290 b 40 ff., Newman i. p. 97

294 ἀπράγμονες: cf. 620 C, Aristoph.Knights 261, Aristot.Rhet. 1381 a 25, Isoc.Antid. 151, 227. But Pericles in Thuc. ii. 40 takes a different view. See my note in Class. Phil. xv. (1920) pp. 300-301.

295 αὐτουργοί: Cf. Soph. 223 D, Eurip.Or. 920, Shorey in Class. Phil. xxiii. (1928） pp. 346-347.

296 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1318 b 12.

297 Cf. Isoc. viii. 13τοὺς τὰ τῆς πόλεως διανεμομένους.

298 For τοὺς ἔχοντας cf. Blaydes on Aristoph.Knights 1295. For the exploitation of the rich at Athens cf. Xen.Symp. 4. 30-32, Lysias xxi. 14, xix. 62, xviii. 20-21, Isoc.Areop. 32 ff., Peace 131, Dem.De cor. 105 ff., on his triarchic law; and also Eurip.Herc. Fur. 588-592.

299 Cf. Aristoph.Knights 717-718, 1219-1223, and Achilles in Il. ix. 363.

300 i.e. reactionaries. Cf. on 562 D, p. 306, note b, Aeschines iii. 168, and 566 Cμισόδημος. The whole passage perhaps illustrates the “disharmony” between Plato's upperclass sympathies and his liberal philosophy.

301 So the Attic orators frequently say that a popular jury was deceived. Cf. also Aristoph.Acharn. 515-516.

302 Aristotle, Eth. Nic. 1110 a 1, in his discussion of voluntary and involuntary acts, says things done under compulsion or through misapprehension (δι᾽ ἄγνοιαν) are involuntary.

303 For τότ᾽ ἢδη cf. 569 A, Phaedo 87 E, Gorg. 527 D, Laches 181 D, 184 A, and on 550 A, p. 259, note i.

304 So Aristot.Pol. 1304 b 30ἠναγκάσθησαν σύσταντες καταλῦσαι τὸν δῆμον, Isoc. xv. 318ὀλιγαρχίαν ὀνειδίζοντες . . . ἠνάγκασαν ὁμοίους γενέσθαι ταῖς αἰτίαις.

305 Cf. 562 D, Eurip.Or. 772προστάτας, Aristoph.Knights 1128. The προστάτης τοῦ δήμου was the accepted leader of the democracy. Cf. Dittenberger, S. I. G. 2nd ed. 1900, no. 476. The implications of this passage contradict the theory that the oligarchy is nearer the ideal than the democracy. But Plato is thinking of Athens and not of his own scheme. Cf. Introd. pp. xlv-xlvi.

306 Cf. Aristot.Pol. 1310 b 14οἱ πλεῖστοι τῶν τυράννων γεγόνασιν ἐκ δημαγωγῶν, etc., ibid. 1304 b 20 ff.

307 Cf. Frazer on Pausanias viii. 2 (vol. iv. p. 189) and Cook's Zeus, vol. i. p. 70. The archaic religious rhetoric of what follows testifies to the intensity of Plato's feeling. Cf. the language of the Laws on homicide, 865 ff.

308 Note the difference of tone from 502 B. Cf. Phaedr. 260 C.

309 Cf. Pindar, Pyth. ii. 32; Lucan i. 331: “nullus semel ore receptus Pollutas patitur sanguis mansuescere fauces.

310 For ἀφανίζων Cf. Gorg. 471 B.

311 The apparent contradiction of the tone here with Laws 684 E could be regarded mistakenly as another “disharmony.” Grote iii. p. 107 says that there is no case of such radical measures in Greek history. Schmidt, Ethik der Griechen, ii. p. 374, says that the only case was that of Cleomenes at Sparta in the third century. See Georges Mathieu, Les Idées politiques d’Isocrate, p. 150, who refers to Andoc.De myst. 88, Plato, Laws 684, Demosth.Against Timocr. 149 (heliastic oath), Michel, Recueil d'inscriptions grecques, 1317, the oath at Itanos.

312 Cf. 619 C.

313 Cf. 565 A.

314 Cf Herod. i. 59, Aristot.Rhet. 1357 b 30 ff. Aristotle, Pol. 1305 a 7-15, says that this sort of thing used to happen but does not now, and explains why. For πολυθρύλητον Cf. Phaedo 100 B.

315 For the ethical dative αὐτοῖς cf. on 343 Vol. I. p. 65, note c.

316 For μισόδημος cf. Aristoph.Wasps 474, Xen.Hell. ii. 3. 47, Andoc. iv. 16, and by contrast φιλόδημον, Aristoph.Knights 787, Clouds 1187.

317 In Hom. Il. 16.776 Cebriones, Hector's charioteer, slain by Patroclus,κεῖτο μέγας μεγαλωστί, “mighty in his mightiness.” (A. T. Murray, Loeb tr.)

318 For the figure Cf. Polit. 266 E. More common in Plato is the figure of the ship in this connection. Cf. on 488.

319 Cf. Eurip.I. A. 333 ff., Shakes.Henry IV.Part I. I. iii. 246 “This king of smiles, this Bolingbroke.”

320 Not “foreign enemies” as almost all render it. Cf. my note on this passage in Class. Rev. xix. (1905) pp. 438-439, 573 B ἔξω ὠθεῖ, Theognis 56, Thuc. iv. 66 and viii. 64.

321 Cf. Polit. 308 A, and in modern times the case of Napoleon.

322 For ταράττειν in this sense cf. Dem.De cor. 151ἐγκλήματα καὶ πόλεμος . . . ἐταράχθη, Soph.Antig. 795νεῖκος . . . ταράξας.

323 ξυγκαταστησάντων is used in Aesch.Prom. 307 of those who helped Zeus to establish his supremacy among the gods. See also Xen Ages. 2.31, Isoc. 4.126.

324 Cf. Thucyd. viii. 70, Herod. iii. 80.δή, as often in the Timaeus, marks the logical progression of the thought. Cf. Tim. 67 C, 69 A, 77 C, 82 B, and passim.

325 Cf. on 560 D, p. 299, note c. Aristotle says that in a democracy ostracism corresponds to this. Cf. Newman i. p. 262. For the idea that the tyrant fears good or able and outstanding men Cf. Laws 832 C, Gorg. 510 B-C, Xen.Hiero 5. I, Isoc. viii. 112, Eurip.Ion 626-628. But cf. Pindar, Pyth, iii, 71, of Hiero,οὐ φθονέων ἀγαθοῖς.

326 Cf. Laws 952 E, Rep. 467 D.

327 Cf. the Scottish guards of Louis XI. of France, the Swiss guards of the later French kings, the Hessians hired by George III. against the American colonies, and the Asiatics in the Soviet armies.

328 παντοδαπούς: cf. on 557 C.

329 For αὐτόθεν cf. Herod. i. 64τῶν μὲν αὐτόθεν, τῶν δὲ ἀπὸ Στρύμονος, Thuc. i. 11, Xen.Ages. 1. 28.

330 For the idiomatic and colloquial χρῆμα cf. Herod. i. 36, Eurip.Androm. 181, Theaet. 209 E, Aristoph.Clouds 1, Birds 826, Wasps 933, Lysistr. 83, 1085, Acharn. 150, Peace 1192, Knights 1219, Frogs 1278.

331 For the wretched lot of the tyrant cf. p. 368, note a.

332 For οὐκ ἐτός cf. 414 E. The idiom is frequent in Aristoph. Cf. e.g.Acharn. 411, 413, Birds 915, Thesm. 921, Plut. 404, 1166, Eccl. 245.

333 This is plainly ironical and cannot be used by the admirers of Euripides.

334 Cf.πυκιναὶ φρένεςIliad xiv. 294,πυκινὸς νόος xv. 41 etc.

335 Cf. Theages 125 B f. The line is also attributed to Sopholces. Cf. Stemplinger, Das Plagiat in der griechischen Literatur, p. 9; Gellius xiii. 18, F. Dümmler, Akademika, p. 16. Wilamowitz, Platon, i. p. 119 thinks this an allusion to Euripides and Agathon at the court of Archelaus of Macedon. Isocrates ix. 40, like the poets, praises the tyrants, but ii. 3-5 contrasts their education unfavorably with that of the ordinary citizen. Throughout the passage he is plainly thinking of Plato.

336 Cf. Vol. I. p. 119, note c, Eurip.Tro. 1169, Isoc. ii. 5.

337 Cf. 394 D, What Plato Said, p. 561, 598 ff.

338 κομψοί is used playfully or ironically.

339 Cf. Gorg. 502 B ff., Laws 817 C, and for the expression Protag. 347 D.

340 Cf. Laches 183 A-B.

341 Cf. Shakes.Ant. and Cleop.III. X. 25 “Our fortune on the sea is out of breath.

342 Cf. on 572 B, p. 339, note e.

343 Cf. 574 D, Diels1 p. 578, Anon. Iambl. 3.

344 Cf. Soph.O. T. 873ὕβρις φυτεύει τύραννον.

345 For καλῶν κἀγαθῶν cf. Aristoph.Knights 185, and Blaydes on 735. See also on 489 E, p. 27, note d.

346 Cf. Blaydes on Aristoph.Clouds 123.

347 For the threatening γνώσεται cf. 362 A, 466 C, Il. xviii. 270 and 125, Theocr. xxvi. 19τάχα γνώσῃ, and Lucian, Timon 33εἴσεται.

348 For the juxtaposition οἷος οἷον Cf. Symp. 195 A, Sophocles El. 751, Ajax 557, 923, Trach. 995, 1045.

349 Cf. on 574 C, pp. 346-347, note e.

350 As we say, “Out of the frying-pan into the fire.” Cf. Anth. Pal. ix. 17. 5ἐκ πυρὸς ὡς αἶνος 'πεσες ἐς φλόγα, Theodoret, Therap. iii. p. 773καὶ τὸν καπνὸν κατὰ τὴν παροιμίαν, ὡς ἔοικε, φύγοντες, εἰς αὐτὸ δὴ τὸ πῦρ ἐμπεπτώκαμεν. See Otto, p. 137; also Solon 7 (17) (Anth. Lyr.,Bergk-Hiller, 9 in Edmonds, Greek Elegy and Iambus, i. p. 122, Loeb Classical Library)εἰς δὲ μονάρχου δῆμος ἀιδρείῃ δουλοσύνην ἔπεσεν, Herod. iii. 81τυράννου ὕβριν φεύγοντας ἄνδρας ἐς δήμου ἀκολάστου ὕβριν πεσεῖν, and for the idea Epist. viii. 354 D.

351 Cf. Epist. viii. 354 D.

352 For the rhetorical style Cf. Tim. 41θεοὶ θεῶν, Polit. 303 C σοφιστῶν σοφιστάς, and the biblical expressions, God of Gods and Lord of Lords, e.g.Deut. x. 17, Ps. cxxxvi. 2-3, Dan. xi. 36, Rev. xix. 16. Cf. Jebb on Soph.O. T. 1063τρίδουλος.