Diodorus Siculus. Diodorus of Sicily in Twelve Volumes with an English Translation by C. H. Oldfather. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press; London: William Heinemann, Ltd. 1989.
—How the Persians fought against Evagoras in Cyprus (chaps. 2-4, 8-9). —How the Lacedaemonians, contrary to the common agreements, deported the Mantineians from their native land (chaps. 5, 12). —On the poems of Dionysius the tyrant (chaps. 6-7). —On the arrest of Tiribazus and his acquittal (chaps. 8, 10-11). —On the death of Glos and the condemnation of Orontes (chaps. 11, 18). —How Amyntas and the Lacedaemonians made war upon the Olynthians (chaps. 19, 21-23). —How the Lacedaemonians seized the Cadmeia (chap. 20). —How they enslaved the Greek cities contrary to the covenants (chap. 23). —The settlement of the island of Pharos in the Adriatic (chap. 13). —The campaign of Dionysius against Tyrrhenia and the plundering of the temple (chap. 14). —The campaign of Dionysius against the Carthaginians; his victory and defeat (chaps. 15-17). —How the Thebans recovered the Cadmeia (chaps. 25-27). —How the Carthaginians were endangered when afflicted by a plague (chap. 24). —On the Boeotian War and the events connected with it (chaps. 28-35). —The campaign of the Triballi against Abdera (chap. 36). —The campaign of the Persians against Egypt (chaps. 41-43). —How the Thebans defeated the Lacedaemonians in the most famous battle of Leuctra and laid claim to the supremacy of Greece (chaps. 50-56). —The accomplishments of the Thebans during their invasions of the Peloponnesus (chaps. 62-66, 69, 75, 82-88 passim). —On the system of training of Iphicrates and his discoveries in the art of war (chap. 44). —The campaign of the Lacedaemonians against Corcyra (chaps. 46-47). —On the earthquake and inundation that took place in the Peloponnesus and the torch that appeared in the heavens (chaps. 48-50). —How there took place among the Argives a great slaughter which was called the reign of club-law (chaps. 57-58). —On Jason, the tyrant of Pherae, and his successors (chaps. 57, 60, 80, 95). —The synoecismos of Messene by the Thebans (chaps. 66-67). —The campaign of the Boeotians against Thessaly (chap. 67).
Throughout our entire treatise our practice has been to employ the customary freedom of speech enjoyed by history, and we have added just praise of good men for their fair deeds and meted out just censure upon bad men whenever they did wrong. By this means, as we believe, we shall lead men whose nature fortunately inclines them to virtue to undertake, because of the immortality fame accords them, the fairest deeds, whereas by appropriate obloquies we shall turn men of the opposite character from their impulse to evil. [2] Consequently, since we have come in our writing to the period when the Lacedaemonians fell upon deep distress in their unexpected defeat at Leuctra, and again in their unlooked-for repulse at Mantineia lost the supremacy over the Greeks, we believe that we should maintain the principle we have set for our writing and set forth the appropriate censure of the Lacedaemonians. [3]
For who would not judge men to be deserving of accusation who had received from their ancestors a supremacy with such firm foundations and that too preserved by the high spirit of their ancestor for over five hundred years, and now beheld it, as the Lacedaemonians of that time did, overthrown by their own folly? And this is easy to understand. For the men who had lived before them won the glory they had by many labours and great struggles, treating their subjects the while fairly and humanely; but their successors used their allies roughly and harshly, stirring up, besides, unjust and insolent wars against the Greeks, and so it is quite to be understood that they lost their rule because of their own acts of folly. [4] For the hatred of those they had wronged found in their disasters an opportunity to retaliate upon their aggressors, and they who had been unconquered from their ancestors' time were now attended by such contempt as, it stands to reason, must befall those who obliterate the virtues that characterized their ancestors. [5] This explains why the Thebans, who for many generations had been subjects of their superiors, when they defeated them to everyone's surprise, became supreme among the Greeks, but the Lacedaemonians, when once they had lost the supremacy, were never at any time able to recover the high position enjoyed by their ancestors. [6]
Now that we have sufficiently censured the Lacedaemonians, we shall in turn pass on to the further course of our history, after we have first set the timelimits of this section. The preceding Book, which is the fourteenth of our narrative, closed with the events concerned with the enslaving of the Rhegians by Dionysius and the capture of Rome by the Gauls, which took place in the year preceding the campaign of the Persians in Cyprus against Evagoras the king. In this Book we shall begin with this war and close with the year preceding the reign of Philip the son of Amyntas.1 2
When Mystichides was archon in Athens, the Romans elected in place of consuls three military tribunes, Marcus Furius, Gaius, and Aemilius. This year Artaxerxes, the King of the Persians, made war upon Evagoras, the king of Cyprus. He busied himself for a long time with the preparations for the war and gathered a large armament, both naval and land; his land force consisted of three hundred thousand men including cavalry, and he equipped more than three hundred triremes. [2] As commanders he chose for the land force his brother-in-law Orontes, and for the naval Tiribazus, a man who was held in high favour among the Persians. These commanders took over the armaments in Phocaea and Cyme, repaired to Cilicia, and passed over to Cyprus, where they prosecuted the war with vigour. [3]
Evagoras made an alliance with Acoris,3 the king of the Egyptians, who was an enemy of the Persians, and received a strong force from him, and from Hecatomnus, the lord of Caria, who was secretly co-operating with him, he got a large sum of money to support his mercenary troops. Likewise he drew on such others to join in the war with Persia as were at odds with the Persians, either secretly or openly. [4] He was master of practically all the cities of Cyprus, and of Tyre and some others in Phoenicia. He also had ninety triremes, of which twenty were Tyrian and seventy were Cyprian, six thousand soldiers of his own subjects, and many more than this number from his allies. In addition to these he enlisted many mercenaries, since he had funds in abundance. And not a few soldiers were sent him by the king of the Arabs and by certain others of whom the King of the Persians was suspicious.
Since Evagoras had such advantages, he entered the war with confidence. First, since he had not a few boats of the sort used for piracy, he lay in wait for the supplies coming to the enemy, sank some of their ships at sea, drove off others, and captured yet others. Consequently the merchants did not dare to convey food to Cyprus; and since large armaments had been gathered on the island, [2] the army of the Persians soon suffered from lack of food and the want led to revolt, the mercenaries of the Persians attacking their officers, slaying some of them, and filling the camp with tumult and revolt. It was with difficulty that the generals of the Persians and the leader of the naval armament, known as Glos, put an end to the mutiny. [3] Sailing off with their entire fleet, they transported a large quantity of grain from Cilicia and provided a great abundance of food. As for Evagoras, King Acoris transported an adequate supply of grain from Egypt and sent him money and adequate supplies for every other need. [4] Evagoras, seeing that he was much inferior in naval strength, fitted out sixty additional ships and sent for fifty from Acoris in Egypt, so that he had in all two hundred triremes. These he fitted out for battle in a way to cause terror and by continued trials and drill got ready for a sea engagement. Consequently, when the King's fleet sailed past toward Citium, he fell upon the ships unexpectedly and had a great advantage over the Persians. [5] For he attacked with his ships in compact array ships in disorder, and since he fought with men whose plans were prepared against men unready, he at once at the first encounter won a prearranged victory. For, attacking as he did with his triremes in close order triremes that were scattered and in confusion, he sank some and captured others. [6] Still the Persian admiral Glos and the other commanders put up a gallant resistance, and a fierce struggle developed in which at first Evagoras held the upper hand. Later, however, when Glos attacked in strong force and put up a gallant fight, the result was that Evagoras turned in flight and lost many of his triremes.
The Persians after their victory in the sea-fight gathered both their sea and land forces at the city of Citium. From this as their base they organized a siege of Salamis and beleaguered the city both by land and by sea. [2] Meantime Tiribazus crossed over to Cilicia after the sea-fight and continued thence to the King, reported the victory, and brought back two thousand talents for the prosecution of the war. Before the sea-fight, Evagoras, who had fallen in with a body of the land force near the sea and defeated it, had been confident of success, but when he suffered defeat in the sea-fight and found himself besieged, he lost heart. [3] Nevertheless, deciding to continue the war, he left his son Pnytagoras behind as supreme commander in Cyprus and himself took ten triremes, eluded the enemy, and got away from Salamis. On arriving in Egypt he met the king and urged him to continue the war energetically and to consider the war against the Persians a common undertaking.
While these events were taking place, the Lacedaemonians determined to make war upon Mantineia, without regard to the standing treaty,4 for the following reasons. The Greeks were enjoying the general peace of Antalcidas, in accordance with which all the cities had got rid of their garrisons and recovered by agreement their autonomy. The Lacedaemonians, however, who by their nature loved to command and by policy preferred war, would not tolerate the peace which they considered to be a heavy burden, and longing for their past dominance over Greece, they were poised and alert to begin a new movement. [2] At once, then, they stirred up the cities and formed partisan groups in them with the aid of their friends, being provided in some of the cities with plausible grounds for interference. For the cities, after having recovered their autonomy, demanded an accounting of the men who had been in control under the Lacedaemonian supremacy; and since the procedure was harsh, because the people bore enmity for past injuries and many were sent into exile, the Lacedaemonians took it upon themselves to give support to the defeated faction. [3] By receiving these men and dispatching a force with them to restore them to their homes, they at first enslaved the weaker cities, but afterward made war on and forced the more important cities to submit, having preserved the general peace no longer than two years.
Seeing that the city of the Mantineians lay upon their borders and was full of valiant men, the Lacedaemonians were jealous of its growth which had resulted from the peace and were bent on humbling the pride of its citizens. [4] First of all, therefore, they dispatched ambassadors to Mantineia, commanding them to destroy their walls and all of them to remove to the original five villages from which they had of old united to form Mantineia. When no one paid any attention to them, they sent out an army and laid siege to the city. [5] The Mantineians dispatched ambassadors to Athens, asking for aid. When the Athenians did not choose to make a breach of the common peace, the Mantineians none the less withstood the siege on their own account and stoutly resisted the enemy. In this way, then, fresh wars got a start in Greece.
In Sicily Dionysius, the tyrant of the Syracusans, now that he was relieved of wars with the Carthaginians, enjoyed great peace and leisure. Consequently he devoted himself with much seriousness to the writing of poetry, and summoning men of repute in this line, he accorded them special honours and resorted to them, making use of them as instructors and revisers of his poems. Elated by the flattering words with which these men repaid his benefactions, Dionysius boasted far more of his poems than of his successes in war. [2] Among the poets in his company was Philoxenus5the writer of dithyrambs, who enjoyed very high repute as a composer in his own line. After dinner, when the compositions of the tyrant, which were wretched, had been read, he was asked what was his judgement of the poetry. When he replied with a good deal of frankness, the tyrant, offended at his words, found fault with him that he had been moved by jealousy to use scurrilous language and commanded his servants to drag him off forthwith to the quarries. [3] On the next day, however, when Philoxenus' friends made petition for a grant of pardon, Dionysius made up with him and again included the same men in his company after dinner. As the drinking advanced, again Dionysius boasted of the poetry he had written, recited some lines which he considered to be happily composed, and then asked, “What do you think of the verses?” To this Philoxenus said not a word, but called Dionysius' servants and ordered them to take him away to the quarries. [4] Now at the time Dionysius, smiling at the ready wit of the words, tolerated the freedom of speech, since the joke took the edge off the censure. But when some time later his acquaintances and Dionysius as well asked him to desist from his untimely frankness, Philoxenus made a paradoxical offer. He would, he said, in his answer both respect the truth and keep the favour of Dionysius. Nor did he fail to make his word good. [5] For when the tyrant produced some lines that described harrowing events, and asked, “How do the verses strike you?”, he replied, “Pitiful!”, keeping his double promise by the ambiguity. For Dionysius took the word “pitiful” as signifying harrowing and deeply moving, which are successful effects of good poets, and therefore rated him as having approved them; the rest, however, who caught the real meaning, conceived that the word “pitiful” was only employed to suggest failure.
Much the same thing, as it happened, also occurred in the case of Plato the philosopher. Dionysius summoned this man to his court and at first deigned to show him the highest favour, since he saw that he practised the freedom of speech that philosophy is entitled to. But later, being offended at some of his statements, he became altogether alienated from him, exposed him in the market, and sold him as a slave for twenty minas. Those who were philosophers, however, joined together, purchased his freedom, and sent him off to Greece with the friendly admonition that a wise man should associate with tyrants either as little as possible or with the best grace possible.6 [2]
Dionysius did not renounce his zeal for poetry but dispatched to the Olympic Games7 actors with the most pleasing voices who should present a musical performance of his poems for the assembled throng. At first their pleasing voices filled the hearers with admiration, but later, on further reflection, the reciters were despised and rewarded with laughter. [3] Dionysius, on learning of the slight that was cast upon his poems, fell into a fit of melancholy.8 His condition grew constantly worse and a madness seized his mind, so that he kept saying that he was the victim of jealousy and suspected all his friends of plotting against him. At last his frenzy and madness went so far that he slew many of his friends on false charges, and he drove not a few into exile, among whom were Philistus and his own brother Leptines, men of outstanding courage who had rendered him many important services in his wars. [4] These men, then, passed their banishment in Thurii in Italy where they were cordially welcomed by the Italian Greeks. Later, at the request of Dionysius, they were reconciled with him and returned to Syracuse where they enjoyed his former goodwill, and Leptines married Dionysius' daughter.
These, then, were the events of this year. 9
When Dexitheus was archon in Athens, the Romans elected as consuls Lucius Lucretius and Servius Sulpicius. This year Evagoras, the king of the Salaminians, arrived in Cyprus from Egypt, bringing money from Acoris, the king of Egypt, but less than he had expected. When he found that Salamis was closely besieged and that he was deserted by his allies, he was forced to discuss terms of settlement. [2] Tiribazus, who held the supreme command, agreed to a settlement upon the conditions that Evagoras should withdraw from all the cities of Cyprus, that as king of Salamis alone he should pay the Persian King a fixed annual tribute, and that he should obey orders as slave to master. [3] Although these were hard terms, Evagoras agreed to them all except that he refused to obey orders as slave to master, saying that he should be subject as king to king. When Tiribazus would not agree to this, Orontes, who was the other general and envious of Tiribazus' high position, secretly sent letters to Artaxerxes against Tiribazus. [4] The charges against him were first, that although he was able to take Salamis, he was not doing so, but was receiving embassies from Evagoras and conferring with him on the question of making common cause; that he was likewise concluding a private alliance with the Lacedaemonians, being their friend; that he had sent to Pytho10 to inquire of the god regarding his plans for revolt; and, most important of all, that he was winning for himself the commanders of the troops by acts of kindness, bringing them over by honours and gifts and promises. [5] On reading the letter the King, believing the accusations, wrote to Orontes to arrest Tiribazus and dispatch him to him. When the order had been carried out, Tiribazus, on being brought to the King, asked for a trial and for the time being was put in prison. After this the King was engaged in a war with the Cadusians and postponed the trial, and so the legal action was deferred.
Orontes succeeded to the command of the forces in Cyprus. But when he saw that Evagoras was again putting up a bold resistance to the siege and, furthermore, that the soldiers were angered at the arrest of Tiribazus and so were insubordinate and listless in pressing the siege, Orontes became alarmed at the surprising change in the situation. He therefore sent men to Evagoras to discuss a settlement and to urge him to agree to a peace on the same terms Evagoras had agreed to with Tiribazus. [2] Evagoras, then, was surprisingly able to dispel the menace of capture, and agreed to peace on the conditions that he should be king of Salamis, pay the fixed tribute annually, and obey as a king the orders of the King. So the Cyprian war, which had lasted for approximately ten years, although the larger part of the period was spent in preparations and there were in all but two years of continuous warfare, came to the end we have described.11 [3]
Glos, who had been in command of the fleet and was married to the daughter of Tiribazus, fearful that it might be thought that he had co-operated with Tiribazus in his plan and that he would be punished by the King, resolved to safeguard his position by a new project of action. Since he was well supplied with money and soldiers and had furthermore won the commanders of the triremes to himself by acts of kindness, he resolved to revolt from the King. [4] At once, then, he sent ambassadors to Acoris, the king of the Egyptians, and concluded an alliance with him against the King. He also wrote the Lacedaemonians and incited them against the King, promising to give them a large sum of money and offering other great inducements. He pledged himself to full co-operation with them in Greece and to work with them in restoring the supremacy their fathers had exercised. [5] Even before this the Spartans had made up their minds to recover their supremacy, and at the time were already throwing the cities into confusion and enslaving them, as was clear to all men. Moreover, they were in bad repute because it was generally believed that in the agreement12 they had made with the King they had betrayed the Greeks of Asia, and so they repented of what they had done and sought a plausible excuse for a war against Artaxerxes. Consequently they were glad to enter the alliance with Glos.
After Artaxerxes had concluded the war with the Cadusians, he brought up the trial of Tiribazus and assigned three of the most highly esteemed Persians as judges. At this time other judges who were believed to have been corrupt were flayed alive and their skins stretched tight on judicial benches. The judges rendered their decisions seated on these, having before their eyes an example of the punishment meted out to corrupt decisions. [2] Now the accusers read the letter sent by Orontes and stated that it constituted sufficient cause for accusation. Tiribazus, with respect to the charge in connection with Evagoras, presented the agreement made by Orontes that Evagoras should obey the King as a king, whereas he had himself agreed upon a peace on the terms that Evagoras should obey the King as a slave his master. With respect to the oracle he stated that the god as a general thing gives no response regarding death,13 and to the truth of this he invoked all the Greeks present as witnesses. As for the friendship with the Lacedaemonians, he replied in defence that he had formed the friendship not for any advantage of his own but for the profit of the King; and he pointed out that the Greeks of Asia were thereby detached from the Lacedaemonians and delivered captive to the King. At the conclusion of his defence he reminded the judges of the former good services he had rendered the King. [3]
It is related that Tiribazus pointed out many services to the King, and one very great one, as a result of which he was highly regarded and became a very great friend.14 Once during a hunt, while the King was riding in a chariot, two lions came at him, tore to pieces two of the four horses belonging to the chariot, and then charged upon the King himself; but at that very moment Tiribazus appeared, slew the lions, and rescued the King from the danger. [4] In wars also, men say, he excelled in valour, and in council his judgement was so good that when the King followed his advice he never made a mistake. By means of such a defence Tiribazus was cleared of the charges by the unanimous vote of the judges.
The King summoned the judges one by one and asked each of them what principles of justice he had followed in clearing the accused. The first said that he observed the charges to be debatable, while the benefactions were not contested. The second said that, though it were granted that the charges were true, nevertheless the benefactions exceeded the offences. The third stated that he did not take into account the benefactions, because Tiribazus had received from the King in return for them favours and honours many times as great, but that when the charges were examined apart by themselves, the accused did not appear to be guilty of them. [2] The King praised the judges for having rendered a just decision and bestowed upon Tiribazus the highest honours, such as were customary. Orontes, however, he condemned as one who had fabricated a false accusation, expelled him from his list of friends, and subjected him to the utmost marks of degradation.
Such was the state of affairs in Asia.
In Greece the Lacedaemonians continued the siege of Mantineia, and through the summer the Mantineians maintained a gallant resistance against the enemy. For they were considered to surpass the other Arcadians in valour, and it was for this reason that the Lacedaemonians had formerly made it their practice in battle to place them, as their most trustworthy allies, on their flank. But with the coming of winter the river which flows beside Mantineia received a great increase from the rains and the Lacedaemonians diverted the flow of the river with great dikes, turned the river into the city, and made a pool of all the region round about. [2] Consequently, as the houses began to fall, the Mantineians in despair were compelled to surrender the city to the Lacedaemonians. After they received the surrender, they imposed no other hardship on the Mantineians than the command that they should move back to their former villages. Consequently they were compelled to raze their own city and return to their villages.
While these events were taking place, in Sicily Dionysius, the tyrant of the Syracusans, resolved to plant cities on the Adriatic Sea. His idea in doing this was to get control of the Ionian Sea,15 in order that he might make the route to Epeirus safe and have there his own cities which could give haven to ships. For it was his intent to descend unexpectedly with great armaments upon the regions about Epeirus and to sack the temple at Delphi, which was filled with great wealth. [2] Consequently he made an alliance with the Illyrians with the help of Alcetas the Molossian, who was at the time an exile and spending his days in Syracuse. Since the Illyrians were at war, he dispatched to them an allied force of two thousand soldiers and five hundred suits of Greek armour. The Illyrians distributed the suits of armour among their choicest warriors and incorporated the soldiers among their own troops. [3] Now that they had gathered a large army, they invaded Epeirus and would have restored Alcetas to the kingship over the Molossians. But when no one paid any attention to them, they first ravaged the country, and after that, when the Molossians drew up against them, there followed a sharp battle in which the Illyrians were victorious and slew more than fifteen thousand Molossians. After such a disaster befell the inhabitants of Epeirus, the Lacedaemonians, as soon as they had learned the facts, sent a force to give aid to the Molossians, by means of which they curbed the barbarians' great audacity. [4]
While these events were taking place, the Parians, in accordance with an oracle, sent out a colony to the Adriatic, founding it on the island of Pharos, as it is called, with the co-operation of the tyrant Dionysius. He had already dispatched a colony to the Adriatic not many years previously and had founded the city known as Lissus. [5] From this as his base Dionysius . . .16 Since he had the leisure, he built dockyards with a capacity for two hundred triremes and threw about the city a wall of such size that its circuit was the greatest possessed by any Greek city. He also constructed large gymnasia along the Anapus River,17 and likewise temples of the gods and whatever else would contribute to the growth and renown of the city. 18
At the conclusion of the year, in Athens Diotrephes was archon and in Rome the consuls elected were Lucius Valerius and Aulus Mallius, and the Eleians celebrated the Ninety-ninth Olympiad, that in which Dicon of Syracuse won the “stadion.” This year the Parians, who had settled Pharos, allowed the previous barbarian inhabitants to remain unharmed in an exceedingly well fortified place, while they themselves founded a city by the sea and built a wall about it. [2] Later, however, the old barbarian inhabitants of the island took offence at the presence of the Greeks and called in the Illyrians of the opposite mainland. These, to the number of more than ten thousand, crossed over to Pharos in many small boats, wrought havoc, and slew many of the Greeks. But the governor of Lissus appointed by Dionysius sailed with a good number of triremes against the light craft of the Illyrians, sinking some and capturing others, and slew more than five thousand of the barbarians, while taking some two thousand captive. [3]
Dionysius, in need of money, set out to make war against Tyrrhenia with sixty triremes. The excuse he offered was the suppression of the pirates, but in fact he was going to pillage a holy temple, richly provided with dedications, which was located in the seaport of the Tyrrhenian city of Agylle, the name of the port being Pyrgi.19 [4] Putting in by night, he disembarked his men, attacked at daybreak, and achieved his design; for he overpowered the small number of guards in the place, plundered the temple, and amassed no less than a thousand talents. When the men of Agylle came out to bring help, he overpowered them in battle, took many prisoners, laid waste their territory, and then returned to Syracuse. From the booty which he sold he took in no less than five hundred talents. Now that Dionysius was well supplied with money, he hired a multitude of soldiers from every land, and after bringing together a very considerable army, was obviously preparing for a war against the Carthaginians.
These, then, were the events of this year. 20
When Phanostratus was archon in Athens, the Romans elected instead of consuls four military tribunes, Lucius Lucretius, Sentius Sulpicius, Lucius Aemilius, and Lucius Furius. This year Dionysius, the tyrant of the Syracusans, after preparations for war upon the Carthaginians, looked about to find a reasonable excuse for the conflict. Seeing, then, that the cities subject to the Carthaginians were favourable to a revolt, he received such as wished to do so, formed an alliance with them, and treated them with fairness. [2] The Carthaginians at first dispatched ambassadors to the ruler and asked for the return of their cities, and when he paid no attention to them, this came to be the beginning of the war.
Now the Carthaginians formed an alliance with the Italian Greeks and together with them went to war against the tyrant; and since they wisely recognized in advance that it would be a great war, they enrolled as soldiers the capable youth from their own citizens, and then, raising a great sum of money, hired large forces of mercenary troops. As general they chose their king21 Magon and moved many tens of thousands of soldiers across to Sicily and Italy, planning to wage war on both fronts. [3] Dionysius for his part also divided his forces, on the one front fighting the Italian Greeks and on the other the Phoenicians. Now there were many battles here and there between groups of soldiers and minor and continuous engagements, in which nothing of consequence was achieved. But there were two important and famous pitched battles. In the first, near Cabala,22 as it is called, Dionysius, who put up an admirable fight, was victorious, slaying more than ten thousand of the barbarians and capturing not less than five thousand. He also forced the rest of the army to take refuge on a hill which was fortified but altogether without water. There fell also Magon their king after a splendid combat. [4] The Phoenicians, dismayed at the magnitude of the disaster, at once sent an embassy to discuss terms of peace. But Dionysius declared that his only terms were conditional upon their retiring from the cities of Sicily and paying the cost of the war.
This reply was considered by the Carthaginians to be harsh and arrogant and they outgeneralled Dionysius with their accustomed knavery. They pretended that they were satisfied with the terms, but stated that it was not in their power to hand over the cities; and in order that they might discuss the question with their government, they asked Dionysius to agree to a truce of a few days. [2] When the monarch agreed and the truce took effect, Dionysius was overjoyed, supposing that he would forthwith take over the whole of Sicily. The Carthaginians meanwhile gave their king Magon a magnificent funeral and replaced him as general with his son, who, though he was young indeed, was full of ambition and distinguished for his courage. He spent the entire period of the truce drilling and exercising his troops, and what with laborious exercise, hortatory speeches, and training in arms, he rendered the army obedient and competent. [3] At the expiration of the period agreed upon both sides deployed their forces and entered the battle with high spirit. There followed a sharp pitched battle at Cronium, as it is called, and the deity redressed by victory turn for turn the defeat of the Carthaginians. The former victors, who were loudly boasting because of their military success, were unexpectedly tripped up, and they who, because of their defeat, were crestfallen at the outlook, won an unexpected and important victory.
Leptines, who was stationed on one wing and excelled in courage, ended his life in a blaze of glory, fighting heroically and after slaying many Carthaginians. At his fall the Phoenicians were emboldened and pressed so hard upon their opponents that they put them to flight. [2] Dionysius, whose troops were a select band, at first had the advantage over his opponents; but when the death of Leptines became known and the other wing was crushed, his men were dismayed and took to flight. [3] When the rout became general, the Carthaginians pursued the more eagerly and called out to one another to take no one captive; and so all who were caught were put to death and the whole region close at hand was heaped with dead. [4] So great was the slaughter, as the Phoenicians recalled past injuries, that the slain among the Sicilian Greeks were found to number more than fourteen thousand. The survivors, who found safety in the camp, were preserved by the coming of night. After their great victory in a pitched battle the Carthaginians retired to Panormus.23 [5]
The Carthaginians, bearing their victory as men should, dispatched ambassadors to Dionysius and gave him the opportunity to end the war. The tyrant gladly accepted the proposals, and peace was declared on the terms that both parties should hold what they previously possessed, the only exception being that the Carthaginians received both the city of the Selinuntians and its territory and that of Acragas as far as the river called Halycus. And Dionysius paid the Carthaginians one thousand talents.
This was the state of affairs in Sicily.
In Asia Glos, the Persian admiral in the Cyprian War, who had deserted from the King and had called upon both the Lacedaemonians and the king of the Egyptians to make war upon the Persians,24 was assassinated by certain persons and so did not achieve his purpose. After his death Tachos took over his operations. He gathered a force about him and founded on a crag near the sea a city which bears the name of Leuce and contains a sacred shrine of Apollo. [2] A short time after his death a dispute over this city arose between the inhabitants of Clazomenae and those of Cymae. Now at first the cities undertook to settle the matter by recourse to war, but later someone suggested that the god be asked which one of the two cities should be master of Leuce. The Pythia decided that it should be the one which should first offer sacrifice in Leuce, and that each side should start from his own city at the rising of the sun on a day upon which both should agree. [3] When the day was set, the Cymaeans assumed that they would have the advantage because their city lay the nearer, but the Clazomenians, though they were a greater distance away, devised the following scheme to get the victory. Choosing by lot colonists from their own citizens, they founded near Leuce a city from which they made their start at the rising of the sun and thus forestalled the Cymaeans in performing the sacrifice. [4] Having become masters of Leuce by this scheme, they decided to hold an annual festival to bear its name which they called the Prophthaseia.25 After these events the rebellions in Asia came of themselves to an end.
After the death of Glos and Tachos the Lacedaemonians renounced their undertakings in Asia, but they went on organizing affairs in Greece for their own interest, winning over some of the cities by persuasion and getting others into their hands by force through the return of the exiles. From this point they began openly to bring into their own hands the supremacy of Greece, contrary to the common agreements adopted in the time of Antalcidas after intervention by the King of the Persians. [2] In Macedonia Amyntas the king had been defeated by the Illyrians and had relinquished his authority; he had furthermore made a grant to the people of the Olynthians of a large part of the borderland because of his abandonment of political power. At first the people of the Olynthians enjoyed the revenues from the land given them, and when later the king unexpectedly recovered strength and got back his entire kingdom, the Olynthians were not inclined to return the land when he asked for it. [3] Consequently Amyntas gathered an army from his own people, and forming an alliance with the Lacedaemonians persuaded them to send out a general and a strong force against the Olynthians. The Lacedaemonians, having decided to extend their control to the regions about Thrace, enrolled soldiers both from their citizens and from their allies, more than ten thousand in all; the army they turned over to Phoebidas the Spartan with orders to join forces with Amyntas and to make war together with him upon the Olynthians. They also sent out another army against the people of Phlius, defeated them in battle, and compelled them to accept the rule of the Lacedaemonians. [4]
At this time the kings of the Lacedaemonians were at variance with each other on matters of policy. Agesipolis, who was a peaceful and just man and, furthermore, excelled in wisdom, declared that they should abide by their oaths and not enslave the Greeks contrary to the common agreements. He pointed out that Sparta was in ill repute for having surrendered the Greeks of Asia to the Persians and for organizing the cities of Greece in her own interest, although she had sworn in the common agreement that she would preserve their autonomy. But Agesilaus, who was by nature a man of action, was fond of war and yearned for dominance over the Greeks. 26
When Evander was archon at Athens, the Romans elected six27 military tribunes with consular power, Quintus Sulpicius, Gaius Fabius, Quintus Servilius, Publius Cornelius. During their term of office, the Lacedaemonians took possession of the Cadmeia in Thebes for the following reasons. Seeing that Boeotia had a large number of cities and that her inhabitants were men of outstanding valour, while Thebes,28 still retaining her renown of ancient times, was, generally speaking, the citadel of Boeotia, they were mindful of the danger that Thebes, if a suitable occasion arose, might claim the leadership of Greece. [2] Accordingly the Spartans gave secret instructions29 to their commanders, if ever they found an opportunity, to take possession of the Cadmeia. Acting under these instructions, Phoebidas the Spartan, who had been assigned to a command and was leading an expeditionary force against Olynthus, seized the Cadmeia.30 When the Thebans, resenting this act, gathered under arms, he joined battle with them and after defeating them exiled three hundred of the most eminent Thebans. Then after he had terrorized the rest and had stationed a strong garrison in the Cadmeia, he went off on his own business. For this act the Lacedaemonians, being now discredited in the eyes of the Greeks,31 punished Phoebidas with a fine but would not remove the garrison from Thebes. [3] So the Thebans in this way lost their independence and were compelled to take orders from the Lacedaemonians. As the Olynthians continued the war against Amyntas,32 king of the Macedonians, the Lacedaemonians relieved Phoebidas of his command, and installed Phoebidas' brother Eudamidas as general. Giving him three thousand hoplites, they dispatched him to carry on the war against the Olynthians.
Eudamidas33 struck into the territory of the Olynthians and, in conjunction with Amyntas, continued to wage war upon the Olynthians. Thereupon the Olynthians, who had collected a considerable force, had the better in the field because they had more soldiers than the enemy; but the Lacedaemonians, having made ready a considerable force, appointed Teleutias general in charge of it. Teleutias was brother of King Agesilaus and was greatly admired for his valour by his fellow citizens. [2] He accordingly set out from the Peloponnese with an army and on arriving near the territory of the Olynthians took over the soldiers commanded by Eudamidas. Being now a match for the enemy, he began by plundering the Olynthian territory and dividing among his troops the booty that he had collected; but when the Olynthians and their allies in full force took the field, he gave battle. At first they drew apart after an even contest, but later a stubborn battle was fought in which Teleutias himself fell after a splendid fight and the Lacedaemonians lost more than twelve hundred men.34 [3] After the Olynthians had met with so remarkable a success, the Lacedaemonians, wishing to repair the loss they had sustained, prepared to send out more numerous forces, while the Olynthians, judging that the Spartans would come with larger forces and that the war would last for a long time, prepared large supplies of grain and procured additional soldiers from their allies. 35
When Demophilus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as military tribunes with consular power Publius Cornelius, Lucius Verginius, Lucius Papirius, Marcus Furius, Valerius, Aulus Manlius, Lucius and Postumius. [2] During their term of office the Lacedaemonians appointed as general Agesipolis their king, gave him an adequate army, and voted to make war on the Olynthians.36 On his arrival in Olynthian territory, he took under his command the soldiers previously encamped there and continued the war against the inhabitants. The Olynthians, however, engaged in no important battle this year, but to the end fought only by exchanges of missiles and short engagements, being in awe of the strength of the king's army. 37
At the close of the year Pythias was archon at Athens, and at Rome six military tribunes with consular power were elected, Titus Quinctius, Lucius Servilius, Lucius Julius, Aquilius, Lucius Lucretius, and Servius Sulpicius; and in this year the Eleians celebrated the hundredth Olympiad, at which Dionysodorus of Tarentum won the stadium race. [2] During their term of office Agesipolis, king of the Lacedaemonians, died of illness38 after a reign of fourteen years; Cleombrotus his brother succeeded to the throne and reigned for nine years.39 The Lacedaemonians appointed Polybiadas general and sent him to the war against the Olynthians. [3] He took over the forces, and, prosecuting the war vigorously and with able generalship, was often superior. With ever-increasing success, after several victories, he reduced the Olynthians to a state of siege. In the end he thoroughly cowed his enemies and forced them to become subjects of the Lacedaemonians.40 With the enrolment of the Olynthians in the Spartan alliance many other states likewise were eager to enlist under the Lacedaemonian standard. As a result the Lacedaemonians at this particular juncture reached their greatest power and won the overlordship of Greece on both land and sea.41 [4] For the Thebans were secured by a garrison; the Corinthians and the Argives were safely humbled as a result of the previous wars; the Athenians, because of their policy of occupying with colonists the lands of those whom they subdued,42 had a bad reputation with the Greeks; the Lacedaemonians, however, had given their constant attention to securing a large population43 and practice in the use of arms, and so were become an object of terror to all because of the strength of their following. [5] Consequently the greatest rulers of that time, the Persian King and Dionysius44 the tyrant of Sicily, paid court to the Spartan overlordship and sought alliance with them. 45
When Nicon was archon at Athens, the Romans elected six military tribunes with consular power, Lucius Papirius, Gaius Servilius, Lucius Quinctius, Lucius Cornelius, Lucius Valerius, and Aulus Manlius. During their term of office the Carthaginians invaded Italy and restored their city to the Hipponiatae46 who had been exiled from it, and, having gathered together all the refugees, they showed themselves very solicitous of their welfare. [2] After this a plague broke out among the inhabitants of Carthage which was so violent and took off so many of the Carthaginians that they risked losing their commanding position. For the Libyans, undervaluing them, seceded, and the Sardinians, thinking they now had an opportunity to oppose the Carthaginians, revolted, and, making common cause, attacked the Carthaginians. [3] And about the same time a supernatural disaster befell Carthage; for turmoils and fears and panicky disturbances constantly occurred throughout the city defying explanation; and many men rushed from their houses in arms, having the impression that enemies had burst into the city, and they fought constantly with one another as if with enemies, killing some and wounding others. Finally, after having propitiated the deity by sacrifices and with difficulty rid themselves of their misfortunes, they quickly subdued the Libyans and recovered the island of Sardinia. 47
When Nausinicus was archon at Athens, the Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Marcus Cornelius Quintus Servilius, Marcus Furius, and Lucius Quinctius. During their term of office what is known as the Boeotian War broke out between the Lacedaemonians and the Boeotians for the following reasons. When the Lacedaemonians maintained a garrison unjustly in the Cadmeia and had exiled many important citizens, the exiles gathered together, secured the support of the Athenians, and returned by night to their native city. [2] Having first slain in their own houses those who favoured the Lacedaemonian cause, whom they surprised while still asleep,48 they next rallied the citizens to the cause of freedom and obtained the co-operation of all the Thebans. When the populace had quickly assembled under arms, at daybreak they attempted to assault the Cadmeia. [3] The Lacedaemonians who formed the garrison of the citadel, numbering with their allies not less than fifteen hundred, sent men to Sparta to announce the insurrection of the Thebans and to urge them to send help as soon as possible. Favoured by their position, they slew many of the attackers and wounded severely no small number. [4] The Thebans, anticipating the arrival of a large army from Greece to aid the Lacedaemonians, dispatched envoys to Athens to remind them that they too once aided in restoring the democracy of the Athenians at the time when the Athenians had been enslaved by the Thirty Tyrants,49 and to request the Athenians to come with all their forces and assist them in reducing the Cadmeia before the arrival of the Lacedaemonians.
The Athenian people heard the ambassadors through to the end and voted50 to dispatch immediately as large a force as possible for the liberation of Thebes, thus repaying their obligation for the former service and at the same time moved by a desire to win the Boeotians to their side and to have in them a powerful partner in the contest against the superiority of the Lacedaemonians. For the Boeotian was reputed to be inferior to none of the Greek nations in the number of its men and in military valour. [2] Finally Demophon, who had been made general, and had immediately raised a levy of five thousand hoplites and five hundred horse, on the following day at dawn led forth his troops from the city, and pressed on at full speed in an effort to outstrip the Lacedaemonians; but the Athenians none the less went on with their preparations for an expedition into Boeotia with all their forces in case of need. [3] Demophon by taking cross-country paths appeared unexpectedly before Thebes. And since many soldiers likewise came hurriedly together from the other cities of Boeotia, there was quickly assembled a great army for the support of the Thebans. [4] For not less than twelve thousand hoplites and more than two thousand horse were assembled. And since they were one and all eager for the siege, dividing their forces they kept making their assaults in relays, maintaining a persistent attack at all times both day and night.
The garrison in the Cadmeia under the exhortations of their commanders stoutly defended themselves against their adversaries, expecting that the Lacedaemonians would come shortly with a large army. Now as long as they had sufficient food, they held out stubbornly against the attacks and slew and wounded many of their besiegers, supported by the strength of the citadel; but when the scarcity of provisions increased and the Lacedaemonians, occupied in mustering forces, were long in coming, dissension spread amongst them. [2] For the Lacedaemonians among them thought they should hold out till death, while their partners in war from the allied cities, who were many times their number, declared themselves for surrendering the Cadmeia. Under such compulsion even the men from Sparta itself, who were but few, joined in the evacuation of the citadel. These therefore capitulated on terms and returned to the Peloponnese; [3] but the Lacedaemonians advanced with a considerable force on Thebes, and, coming just too late, were unsuccessful in their attack.51 They put on trial the three officers of the garrison, sentenced two to death, and inflicted so heavy a fine upon the third that his estate could not pay it. [4] Subsequently the Athenians returned home, and the Thebans assailed Thespiae but were unsuccessful in their attack.
While these things were taking place in Greece, the Romans dispatched five hundred colonists, who were to be exempt from taxes, to Sardinia.52 53
When Calleas was archon at Athens, the Romans elected as military tribunes with consular power four men, Lucius Papirius, Marcus Publius, Titus Cornelius, and Quintus Lucius. During their term of office, following the failure of the Lacedaemonians at Thebes, the Boeotians, uniting boldly, formed an alliance and gathered a considerable army, expecting that the Lacedaemonians would arrive in Boeotia in great strength. [2] The Athenians sent their most respected citizens as ambassadors to the cities which were subject to the Lacedaemonians, urging them to adhere to the common cause of liberty. For the Lacedaemonians, relying on the size of the force at their disposal, ruled their subject peoples inconsiderately and severely, and consequently many of those who belonged to the Spartan sphere of influence fell away to the Athenians. [3] The first to respond to the plea to secede were the peoples of Chios and Byzantium; they were followed by the peoples of Rhodes and Mytilene and certain others of the islanders; and as the movement steadily gathered force throughout Greece, many cities attached themselves to the Athenians.54 The democracy, elated by the loyalty of the cities, established a common council of all the allies and appointed representatives of each state. [4] It was agreed by common consent that, while the council should hold its sessions in Athens, every city great and small should be on an equal basis and enjoy but one vote, and that all should continue independent, accepting the Athenians as leaders. The Lacedaemonians, aware that the movement of their cities to secede could not be checked, nevertheless strove earnestly by means of diplomatic missions, friendly words and promises of benefits to win back the peoples who had become estranged. [5] Likewise they devoted themselves assiduously to their preparations for war, for they expected the Boeotian War to be a hard and tedious affair for them, since the Athenians and the rest of the Greeks who participated in the council were allied with the Thebans.
While these things were going on, Acoris, the king of the Egyptians, being on unfriendly terms with the Persian King, collected a large mercenary force; for by offering high pay to those who enrolled and doing favours to many of them, he quickly induced many of the Greeks to take service with him for the campaign.55 [2] But having no capable general, he sent for Chabrias the Athenian, a man distinguished both for his prudence as general and his shrewdness in the art of war, who had also won great repute for personal prowess. Now Chabrias, without first securing the permission of the Athenian people, accepted the appointment and took command of the forces in Egypt and with great dispatch made preparations to fight the Persians.56 [3] But Pharnabazus, who had been appointed by the King general of the Persian armies, prepared large supplies of war material, and also sent ambassadors to Athens, first to denounce Chabrias, who by becoming general of the Egyptians was alienating, so he said, the King's affection from the people of Athens, and, secondly, to urge them to give him Iphicrates as general. [4] The Athenians, being eager to gain the favour of the Persian King and to incline Pharnabazus to themselves, quickly recalled Chabrias from Egypt57 and dispatched Iphicrates58 as general to act in alliance with the Persians. [5]
The truce which the Lacedaemonians and Athenians had concluded in the earlier period59remained unshaken up to this time. But now Sphodriades the Spartan, who had been placed in command and was by nature flighty and precipitate, was prevailed upon by Cleombrotus,60 the king of the Lacedaemonians, without the consent of the ephors to occupy the Peiraeus. [6] Sphodriades with more than ten thousand soldiers attempted to occupy the Peiraeus at night,61 but he was detected by the Athenians and, failing in the attempt, returned without accomplishing anything. He was then denounced before the council of the Spartans, but since he had the kings to support him, he got off by a miscarriage of justice.62 [7] As a result the Athenians, much vexed at the occurrence, voted that the truce had been broken by the Lacedaemonians.63 They then decided to make war on them and chose three of their most distinguished citizens as generals, Timotheus,64 Chabrias, and Callistratus.65 They voted to levy twenty thousand hoplites and five hundred cavalry, and to man two hundred ships. They likewise admitted the Thebans into the common council on terms equal in all respects.66 [8] They voted also to restore the land settled by cleruchs67 to its former owners and passed a law that no Athenian should cultivate lands outside of Attica.68 By this generous act they recovered the goodwill of the Greeks and made their own leadership more secure.
Now many of the other cities for the aforesaid reason were prompted to fall away to Athens; and the first to join in the alliance and the most eager were the cities of Euboea excepting Hestiaea69; for Hestiaea, having been treated most generously by the Lacedaemonians while she had suffered terribly in war with the Athenians, had very good reason for maintaining unabated her enmity to Athens and for continuing to observe inviolate her pledge to Sparta. [2] Nevertheless seventy cities eventually entered into alliance with the Athenians and participated on equal footing in the common council. So with the constant increase in the strength of the Athenians and the diminution of that of the Lacedaemonians the two states were now well matched. The Athenians, seeing affairs proceeding to their liking, dispatched a force to Euboea to serve at once as a protection for their allies and to subdue the opposition. [3] In Euboea a short time before this a certain Neogenes with the assistance of Jason of Pherae had gathered soldiers and occupied the citadel of Hestiaea,70 and so appointed himself tyrant of this country and of the city of the Oreitans. Because of his violent and arrogant rule the Lacedaemonians had then dispatched Theripides against him. [4] Theripides at first endeavoured to prevail upon the tyrant by reasoning with him to leave the citadel; but when the tyrant paid no heed to him, he rallied the people of the district to the cause of freedom, took the place by storm, and restored their freedom to the people of Oreus. For this reason the people who inhabit what is known as the country of the Hestiaeans continued to be loyal to the Spartans and preserved intact their friendship. [5] Chabrias, in command of the force dispatched by the Athenians,71laid waste Hestiaeotis, and, fortifying its Metropolis, as it is called, which is situated on a naturally steep hill, left a garrison in it, and then sailed to the Cyclades and won over Peparethos and Sciathos and some other islands which had been subject to the Lacedaemonians.
The Spartans, perceiving that the impulse of their allies to secede was not to be checked, put an end to their former severity and began to treat the cities humanely. By this sort of treatment and by benefactions they rendered all their allies more loyal. And now that they saw that the war was becoming more serious and required strict attention, they set ambitiously to work on their various preparations for it, and in particular brought to greater perfection the organization and distribution of their soldiers and the services. [2] In fact they divided the cities and the soldiers that were levied for the war into ten parts.72 The first part included the Lacedaemonians, the second and third the Arcadians, the fourth the Eleians, the fifth the Achaeans. Corinthians and Megarians supplied the sixth, the seventh the Sicyonians and Phliasians and the inhabitants of the promontory called Acte,73 the eighth the Acarnanians, the ninth the Phocians and Locrians, and the last of all the Olynthians and the allies who lived in Thrace. They reckoned one hoplite to two light-armed, and one horseman as equivalent to four hoplites.74 [3] Such was the organization, and King Agesilaus was put in command of the campaign. He was renowned for courage and shrewdness in the art of war and had been all but invincible in the former periods. For in all his wars he won admiration and especially when the Lacedaemonians were fighting the Persians. For he gave battle and won the victory over a force of many times his own number; then he overran a large part of Asia,75 mastering the open country, and finally would probably have succeeded, had not the Spartans recalled him because of political affairs, in reducing the whole Persian empire to the direst straits. [4] For he was a man of energy, daring but highly intelligent, engaging in hazardous actions. Accordingly the Spartans, seeing that the magnitude of the war called for a first-rate leader, again appointed him commander of the whole war.
Agesilaus led forth his army and reached Boeotia accompanied by all the soldiers, amounting to more than eighteen thousand, in which were the five divisions of Lacedaemonians. Each division contained five hundred men. The company known as Sciritae76 amongst the Spartans is not drawn up with the rest, but has its own station with the king and it goes to the support of the sections that from time to time are in distress; and since it is composed of picked men, it is an important factor in turning the scale in pitched battles, and generally determines the victory. Agesilaus also had fifteen hundred cavalry. [2] Passing on then to the city of Thespiae, which was garrisoned by the Lacedaemonians, he encamped near it and for several days rested his men from the hardships of the march. The Athenians, having become aware of the arrival of the Lacedaemonians in Boeotia, immediately went to the assistance of Thebes with five thousand foot-soldiers and two hundred cavalry. [3] When these forces had assembled, the Thebans occupied an oblong crest about twenty stades from the city and, having transformed the obstacle into a bastion, awaited the attack of the enemy; for the reputation of Agesilaus so overawed them that they were too timid to await his attack on equal terms in the level country. [4] As for Agesilaus,77 he led out his army in battle array against the Boeotians, and, when he had drawn near, in the first place launched his light-armed troops against his opponents, thus testing their disposition to fight him. But when the Thebans had easily from their higher position thrust his men back, he led the whole army against them closely arrayed to strike them with terror. [5] Chabrias78 the Athenian, however, leading his mercenary troops, ordered his men to receive the enemy with a show of contempt, maintaining all the while their battle lines, and, leaning their shields against their knees, to wait with upraised spear. [6] Since they did what they were ordered as at a single word of command, Agesilaus, marvelling at the fine discipline of the enemy and their posture of contempt, judged it inadvisable to force a way against the higher ground and compel his opponents to show their valour in a hand-to-hand contest, and, having learned by trial that they would dare, if forced, to dispute the victory, he challenged them in the plain. But when the Thebans would not come down to meet him, he withdrew the phalanx of infantry, dispatched the cavalry and light-armed ranks to plunder the countryside unhampered, and so took a great quantity of spoil.
The Spartan advisers, who accompanied Agesilaus, and his officers expressed to him their surprise that Agesilaus, who reputedly was a man of energy and had the larger and more powerful force, should have avoided a decisive contest with the enemy. To them Agesilaus made answer that, as it was, the Lacedaemonians had won the victory without the risk; for when the countryside was being sacked, the Boeotians had not dared to rally to its defence; but if, when the enemy themselves had conceded the victory, he had forced them to endure the risks of battle, perhaps through the uncertainty of fortune the Lacedaemonians might even have come to grief in the contest. [2] Now at the time he was thought in this reply of his to have estimated the possible outcome fairly well, but later in the light of events he was believed to have uttered no mere human saying but a divinely inspired oracle. For the Lacedaemonians, having taken the field against the Thebans with a mighty army and having compelled them to fight for their freedom, met with a great disaster. [3] They were defeated, namely, at Leuctra first, where they lost many of their citizen soldiers and their king Cleombrotus fell; and later, when they fought at Mantineia, they were utterly routed and hopelessly lost their supremacy.79 For fortune has a knack, when men vaunt themselves too highly, of laying them unexpectedly low and so teaching them to hope for nothing in excess. At any rate Agesilaus, prudently satisfied with his first success, brought his army through unharmed. [4]
After this Agesilaus returned with his army to the Peloponnese, while the Thebans, saved by the generalship of Chabrias, marvelled at his skill in strategy. Chabrias, though he had performed many gallant deeds in war, was particularly proud of this bit of strategy and he caused the statues which had been granted to him by his people to be erected to display that posture.80 [5] The Thebans after the departure of Agesilaus, leading an expedition against Thespiae, destroyed the advance outpost81 consisting of two hundred men, but after making repeated assaults on the city itself and accomplishing nothing worthy of mention, led their army back to Thebes. [6] Phoebidas,82 the Lacedaemonian, who had a considerable garrison in Thespiae, sallied forth from the city, fell rashly upon the retreating Thebans, and lost more than five hundred soldiers, while he himself, fighting brilliantly, after receiving many wounds in front, met a hero's death.
Not long after this the Lacedaemonians again83 took the field against Thebes in the same strength as before, but the Thebans, by occupying certain new obstacles, prevented the enemy from devastating the country, though they did not venture to offer battle in the plains face to face against the whole army of the enemy. [2] As Agesilaus advanced to the attack, they came out to meet him gradually. A bitter battle raged for a long time, in which at first Agesilaus' men prevailed, but later, as the Thebans poured forth in full force from the city, Agesilaus, beholding the multitude of men streaming down upon him, summoned his soldiers by trumpet to withdraw from the battle. The Thebans, who found themselves now for the first time not inferior to the Lacedaemonians, erected a trophy of victory and thereafter faced the army of the Spartans with confidence. [3]
With regard to the fighting of the land forces, such was the issue. At sea about the same time occurred a great naval battle between Naxos and Paros, of which the cause was as follows. Pollis, the admiral of the Lacedaemonians, learning that a large shipment of grain was on its way to Athens in freighters, lay in wait watching for the grain fleet as it put in to port, intending to attack the freighters. The Athenian people, being informed of this, sent out a convoy to guard the grain in transit, which in fact brought it safe to the Peiraeus. [4] Later Chabrias, the Athenian admiral, with the whole navy sailed to Naxos and laid it under siege. Bringing his siege-engines to bear against the walls, when he had shaken them, he then bent every effort to take the city by storm. While these things were going on, Pollis, the admiral of the Lacedaemonians, sailed into port to assist the Naxians. In eager rivalry both sides engaged in a sea-battle, and forming in line of battle charged each other.84 [5] Pollis had sixty-five triremes; Chabrias eighty-three. As the ships bore down on one another, Pollis, leading the right wing, was first to attack the opposing triremes on the left wing, which Cedon the Athenian commanded. In a brilliant contest he slew Cedon himself and sank his ship; and, in similar fashion engaging the other ships of Cedon and tearing them open with the beaks of his ships, he destroyed some and others he forced to flee. When Chabrias beheld what was happening, he dispatched a squadron of the ships under his command and brought support to the men who were hard pressed and so retrieved the defeat of his own side. He himself with the strongest part of the fleet in a valiant struggle destroyed many triremes and took a large number captive.
Although he had thus won the upper hand and forced all the enemies' ships to flee, he abstained altogether from pursuit. For he recalled the battle of Arginusae85 and that the assembly of the people, in return for the great service performed by the victorious generals, condemned them to death on the charge that they had failed to bury the men who had perished in the fight; consequently he was afraid, since the circumstances were much the same, that he might run the risk of a similar fate. Accordingly, refraining from pursuit, he gathered up the bodies of his fellow citizens which were afloat, saved those who still lived, and buried the dead. Had he not engaged in this task he would easily have destroyed the whole enemy fleet. [2] In the battle eighteen triremes86 on the Athenian side were destroyed; on the Lacedaemonian twenty-four were destroyed and eight captured with their crews. Chabrias then, having won a notable victory, sailed back laden with spoils to the Peiraeus and met with an enthusiastic reception from his fellow citizens. Since the Peloponnesian War this was the first naval battle the Athenians had won. For they had not fought the battle of Cnidus87 with a fleet of their own, but had got the use of the King's fleet and won a victory. [3]
While these things were going on, in Italy Marcus Manlius,88 who aspired to a tyranny in Rome, was overpowered and slain. 89
When Charisander was archon at Athens, the Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Papirius, Titus Quinctius; and the Eleians celebrated the one hundred first Olympiad, in which Damon of Thurii won the stadium race. During their term of office, in Thrace the Triballians, suffering from a famine, moved in full force into territory beyond their borders and obtained food from the land not their own. [2] More than thirty thousand invaded the adjacent part of Thrace and ravaged with impunity the territory of Abdera; and after seizing a large quantity of booty they were making their way homeward in a contemptuous and disorderly fashion when the inhabitants of Abdera took the field in full force against them and slew more than two thousand of them as they straggled in disorder homewards.90 [3] The barbarians then, enraged at what had happened and wishing to avenge themselves upon the Abderites, again invaded their land. The victors in the earlier conflict, being elated by their success and aided by the presence of the Thracians of the neighbouring region, who had sent out a body of men to assist them, drew up their lines opposite to the barbarians. [4] A stubborn battle took place, and since the Thracians suddenly changed sides, the Abderites, now left to fight alone and surrounded by the superior number of the barbarians, were butchered almost to a man, as many as took part in the fight. But just after the Abderites had suffered so great a disaster and were on the point of being besieged, Chabrias the Athenian suddenly appeared with troops and snatched them out of their perils. He drove the barbarians from the country, and, after leaving a considerable garrison in the city, was himself assassinated by certain persons.91 [5] Timotheus succeeded him as admiral, sailed to Cephallenia, won over the cities there, and likewise persuaded the cities of Acarnania to come over to Athens. After he had made a friend of Alcetas, king of the Molossians, and, speaking generally, had won over the areas belonging to the cities of those regions, he defeated the Lacedaemonians in a naval battle off Leucas.92 [6] All this he accomplished quickly and easily, not only persuading men by his eloquence, but also winning battles by courage and good generalship. Consequently he won great acclaim, not only among his own fellow citizens but also among the Greeks at large. Thus stood the fortunes of Timotheus.
While these things were going on, the Thebans made an expedition against Orchomenus with five hundred picked men and performed a memorable action. For as the Lacedaemonians maintained a garrison of many soldiers in Orchomenus and had drawn up their forces against the Thebans, a stiff battle took place in which the Thebans, attacking twice their number, defeated the Lacedaemonians.93 Never indeed had such a thing occurred before; it had seemed enough if they won with many against few. [2] The result was that the Thebans swelled with pride, became more and more renowned for their valour, and had manifestly put themselves in a position to compete for the supremacy of Greece. [3]
Of the historians, Hermeias of Methymne94 brought to a close with this year his narrative of Sicilian affairs, having composed ten books, or, as some divide the work, twelve. 95
When Hippodamas was archon at Athens, the Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Lucius Valerius, Lucius Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, and Lucretius. During their term of office Artaxerxes, King of the Persians, intending to make war on the Egyptians and being busily engaged in organizing a considerable mercenary army, decided to effect a settlement of the wars going on in Greece. For by this means he particularly hoped that the Greeks, once released from their domestic wars, would be more ready to accept mercenary service. Accordingly he sent ambassadors to Greece to urge the cities to enter into a general peace by agreement. [2] The Greeks welcomed his proposal because they wearied of the uninterrupted series of wars, and all agreed to make peace on the condition that all the cities should be independent and free from foreign garrisons. Accordingly the Greeks appointed agents who, going from city to city, proceeded to evacuate all the garrisons. [3] But the Thebans alone would not agree that the ratification of the peace should be made city by city,96 but insisted that all Boeotia should be listed as subject to the confederacy of the Thebans. When the Athenians opposed this in the most contentious manner, Callistratus, their popular leader, reciting their reasons, while, on behalf of the Thebans, Epameinondas delivered the address before the general assembly with marvellous effect, the result was that though the terms of the peace were harmoniously concluded for all the other Greek states, the Thebans alone were refused participation in them97 and, through the influence of Epameinondas, who by his own personal merits inspired his fellow citizens with patriotic spirit, they were emboldened to make a stand against the decision of all the rest. [4] For the Lacedaemonians and Athenians, who had constantly been rivals for the hegemony, now yielded one to the other, the one being judged worthy to rule on land, the other on the sea. They were consequently annoyed by the claims to leadership advanced by a third contender and sought to sever the Boeotian cities from the Theban confederation.98
The Thebans, who excelled in bodily strength and prowess and had already conquered the Lacedaemonians in numerous battles, were elated in spirit and eager to dispute the supremacy on land. Nor were they cheated of their hope, both for the aforesaid reasons and because they had more good commanders and generals during the period under consideration. [2] Most famous were Pelopidas, Gorgidas,99 and Epameinondas. Epameinondas,100 indeed, far excelled not merely those of his own race but even all Greeks in valour and shrewdness in the art of war. He had a broad general education, being particularly interested in the philosophy of Pythagoras.101 Besides this, being well endowed with physical advantages, it is natural that he contributed very distinguished achievements. Hence even when compelled with a very few citizen soldiers to fight against all the armies of the Lacedaemonians and their allies, he was so far superior to these heretofore invincible warriors that he slew the Spartan king Cleombrotus, and almost completely annihilated the multitude of his opponents.102 [3] Such were the remarkable deeds which he unexpectedly performed because of his astuteness and the moral excellence he had derived from his education.
However, we shall somewhat later103 explain these matters more fully in a special chapter; at present we shall turn to the thread of our narrative.
After autonomy had been conceded to the various peoples,104 the cities fell into great disturbances and internal strife, particularly in the Peloponnese. For having been used to oligarchic institutions and now taking foolish advantage of the liberties which democracy allows itself, they exiled many of their good105 citizens, and, trumping up charges against them, condemned them. Thus falling into internal strife they had recourse to exilings and confiscations of property, particularly against those who during the Spartan hegemony had been leaders of their native cities. [2] Indeed in those times the oligarchs had exercised authoritative control over their fellow citizens, and later as the democratic mob recovered its freedom it harboured a grudge. First, however, the exiles of Phialeia,106 rallying their forces, recovered Heraea,107 as it is called, a stronghold. And setting out from there, they swooped down upon Phialeia,108 and at a time when, as it happened, the festival of Dionysus was being celebrated, they fell unexpectedly upon the spectators in the theatre, killed many, persuaded not a few to participate in their folly, and retreated to Sparta. [3] And the exiles from Corinth, who, many in number, were living among the Argives, attempted to return, but though admitted into the city by some of their relatives and friends, they were denounced and surrounded, and, as they were about to be apprehended, fearful of the maltreatment their capture would entail, they slew one another. The Corinthians, having charged many of their citizens with assisting the exiles in the attack, put some to death and exiled others. [4] Again, in the city of the Megarians, when some persons endeavoured to overturn the government and were overpowered by the democracy, many were slain and not a few driven into exile. Likewise among the Sicyonians as well a number who tried to effect a revolution but failed were killed. [5] Among the Phliasians, when many who were in exile had seized a stronghold in the country and gathered a considerable number of mercenaries, a battle was fought against the city party, and, when the exiles won the victory, over three hundred of the Phliasians were slain. Later, as the sentinels betrayed the exiles, the Phliasians got the upper hand and executed more than six hundred exiles, while they drove the rest out of the country and compelled them to take refuge in Argos. Such were the disasters that afflicted the Peloponnesian cities. 109
When Socratides was archon at Athens, the Romans elected four military tribunes with consular power, Quintus Servilius, Servius Cornelius, and Spurius Papirius. During their term of office King Artaxerxes sent an expedition against the Egyptians,110 who had revolted from Persia. The leaders of the army were Pharnabazus, commanding the barbarian contingent, and Iphicrates111 the Athenian, commanding the mercenaries, who numbered twenty thousand. Iphicrates, who had been summoned for the campaign by the King, was given the assignment because of his strategic skill. [2] After Pharnabazus had wasted several years making his preparations, Iphicrates, perceiving that though in talk he was clever, he was sluggish in action, frankly told him that he marvelled that anyone so quick in speech could be so dilatory in action. Pharnabazus replied that it was because he was master of his words but the King was master of his actions. [3] When the Persian army had assembled at the city of Ace112 it numbered two hundred thousand barbarians under the command of Pharnabazus and twenty thousand113 Greek mercenaries led by Iphicrates. The triremes numbered three hundred and the thirty-oared vessels two hundred. The number of those conveying food and other supplies was great. [4] At the beginning of the summer114 the King's generals broke camp with the entire army, and accompanied by the fleet sailing along the coast proceeded to Egypt. When they came near the Nile they found that the Egyptians had manifestly completed their preparations for the war. [5] For Pharnabazus marched slowly and had given plenty of time for the enemy to prepare. Indeed it is the usual custom for the Persian commanders, not being independent in the general conduct of war, to refer all matters to the King and await his replies concerning every detail.
The Egyptian king Nectanebos learned the size of the Persian armies, but was emboldened, chiefly by the strength of the country, for Egypt is extremely difficult of approach, and secondly by the fact that all points of invasion from land or sea had been carefully blocked. [2] For the Nile empties into the Egyptian Sea by seven mouths,115 and at each mouth a city had been established along with great towers on each bank of the stream and a wooden bridge commanding its entrance. He especially fortified the Pelusiac mouth because it is the first to be encountered by those approaching from Syria and seemed to be the most likely route of the enemy approach. [3] He dug channels connecting with this, fortified the entrances for ships at the most suitable points, and inundated the approaches by land while blocking the sea approaches by embankments. Accordingly it was not easy either for the ships to sail in, or for the cavalry to draw near, or for the infantry to approach. [4] Pharnabazus' staff, finding the Pelusiac mouth so remarkably fortified and guarded by a multitude of soldiers, rejected utterly the plan of forcing a way through it and decided to make the invasion by ship through another mouth. Accordingly they voyaged on the open sea so that the ships should not be sighted by the enemy, and sailed in by the mouth known as Mendesian, which had a beach stretching over a considerable space. Landing here with three thousand men, Pharnabazus and Iphicrates pushed forward to the walled stronghold at the mouth. [5] The Egyptians rushed out with three thousand horse and infantry, and a sharp battle ensued, but many men from their ships came to increase the number of the Persians, until finally the Egyptians were surrounded, many slain, and not a few captured alive; and the rest were driven in confusion into the city. Iphicrates' men dashed in with the defenders inside the walls, took possession of the fortress, razed it, and enslaved the inhabitants.
After this, discord set in amongst the commanders, causing the failure of the enterprise. For Iphicrates, learning from the captives that Memphis,116 the most strategically situated of the Egyptian cities, was undefended, advised sailing immediately up to Memphis before the Egyptian forces arrived there, but Pharnabazus thought they should await the entire Persian force; for in this way the campaign against Memphis would be less dangerous. [2] When Iphicrates demanded that he be given the mercenaries that were on hand and promised if he had them to capture the city, Pharnabazus became suspicious of his boldness and his courage for fear lest he take possession of Egypt for himself. Accordingly when Pharnabazus would not yield, Iphicrates protested that if they let slip the exact moment of opportunity, they would make the whole campaign a failure. Some generals indeed bore a grudge against him and were attempting to fasten unfair charges upon him. [3] Meanwhile the Egyptians, having had plenty of time to recuperate, first sent an adequate garrison into Memphis, and then, proceeding with all their forces against the ravaged stronghold at the Mendesian mouth of the Nile and being now at a great advantage owing to the strength of their position, fought constant engagements with the enemy. With ever-increasing strength they slew many Persians and gained confidence against them. [4] As the campaign about this stronghold dragged on, and the Etesian winds had already set in, the Nile, which was filling up and flooding117 the whole region with the abundance of its waters, made Egypt daily more secure. The Persian commanders, as this state of affairs constantly operated against them, decided to withdraw from Egypt. [5] Consequently, on their way back to Asia, when a disagreement arose between him and Pharnabazus, Iphicrates, suspecting that he might be arrested and punished as Conon118 the Athenian had been, decided to flee secretly from the camp. Accordingly, having secured a ship he covertly got away at night and reached port at Athens. [6] Pharnabazus dispatched ambassadors to Athens and accused Iphicrates of being responsible for the failure to capture Egypt. The Athenians, however, replied to the Persians that if they detected him in wrong-doing they would punish him as he deserved, and shortly afterward appointed Iphicrates general in command of their fleet.
It will not be out of place to set forth what I have learned about the remarkable character of Iphicrates. For he is reported to have possessed shrewdness in command and to have enjoyed an exceptional natural genius for every kind of useful invention. Hence we are told, after he had acquired his long experience of military operations in the Persian War, he devised many improvements in the tools of war, devoting himself especially to the matter of arms. [2] For instance, the Greeks were using shields which were large and consequently difficult to handle; these he discarded and made small oval ones of moderate size, thus successfully achieving both objects, to furnish the body with adequate cover and to enable the user of the small shield, on account of its lightness, to be completely free in his movements. [3] After a trial of the new shield its easy manipulation secured its adoption, and the infantry who had formerly been called “hoplites” because of their heavy shield, then had their name changed to “peltasts” from the light pelta they carried.119 As regards spear and sword, he made changes in the contrary direction: namely, he increased the length of the spears by half, and made the swords almost twice as long. The actual use of these arms confirmed the initial test and from the success of the experiment won great fame for the inventive genius of the general. [4] He made soldiers' boots that were easy to untie and light and they continue to this day to be called “iphicratids” after him. He also introduced many other useful improvements into warfare, but it would be tedious to write about them. So the Persian expedition against Egypt, for all its huge preparations, disappointed expectations and proved a failure in the end.
Throughout Greece now that its several states were in confusion because of unwonted forms of government, and many uprisings were occurring in the midst of the general anarchy, the Lacedaemonians gave assistance to such as were trying to establish oligarchies, while the Athenians supported those groups which clung to democracy. [2] For both these states did maintain the truce120 for a short time, but then, acting in co-operation with their affiliated cities renewed the war, no longer respecting the general peace that had been agreed upon. So it came about that in Zacynthos the popular party, being angry and resentful toward those who had held control of the government during the domination of the Lacedaemonians, drove them all into exile. . . .121 These Zacynthians, having taken refuge with Timotheus the Athenian in charge of the fleet, joined his naval force and fought with him. [3] Accordingly they made him their confederate, were transported by him to the island, and seized a stronghold by the sea which they called Arcadia.122 With this as their base and having the support of Timotheus they inflicted damage upon those in the city.123 [4] And when the Zacynthians asked the Lacedaemonians to help them, these latter at first sent envoys to Athens to denounce Timotheus; but then, seeing that the Athenian people favoured the exiles,124 they organized a fleet, and manning twenty-five triremes sent them to assist the Zacynthians, placing Aristocrates in command.125
While these things were going on, some partisans of the Lacedaemonians in Corcyra revolted against the democracy and called upon the Spartans to dispatch a fleet, promising to betray Corcyra to them. The Lacedaemonians, aware of the great importance that Corcyra had for the aspirants to sea power, made haste to possess themselves of this city.126 [2] So they immediately dispatched to Corcyra twenty-two triremes, having given the command to Alcidas. They pretended that this expedition was sent to Sicily, in order to be received as friends by the Corcyraeans and then with the assistance of the exiles to occupy the city. [3] But the Corcyraeans, discovering the design of the Spartans, kept careful guard over the city and sent envoys to Athens to get help. The Athenians voted help for the Corcyraeans and the Zacynthian exiles, sent to Zacynthos Ctesicles as general in command of the exiles, and prepared to dispatch a naval force to Corcyra. [4]
While these things were going on, the Plataeans in Boeotia, clinging to the alliance with the Athenians, sent to them for soldiers, having decided to hand their city over to the Athenians. At this the Boeotarchs127 became incensed with the Plataeans, and, being eager to forestall the allied force from Athens, immediately brought a considerable army against the Plataeans.128 [5] They reached the neighbourhood of Plataeae when the attack was not expected, so that a large number of the Plataeans were arrested in the fields and carried off by the cavalry, while the rest, who had escaped to the city, being helpless without any allies, were forced to make a covenant agreeable to their enemies; they were obliged, namely, to depart from the city with their movable possessions and never again to set foot on Boeotian soil. [6] Thereupon the Thebans, having razed Plataeae completely, pillaged Thespiae129 as well, which was at odds with them. The Plataeans with their wives and children, having fled to Athens, received equality of civic rights130 as a mark of favour from the Athenian people.
Such was the state of affairs in Boeotia.
The Lacedaemonians appointed Mnasippus131 general and ordered him to proceed to Corcyra with sixty-five triremes, his forces consisting of fifteen hundred soldiers. Touching at the island, he picked up the exiles, then sailed into the harbour and captured four ships, the three remaining ships having fled to the shore, where they were burned by the Corcyraeans to prevent their falling into the hands of the enemy. He also defeated with his infantry a contingent on land which had seized a certain hill, and generally terrorized the Corcyraeans. [2] The Athenians had some time previously dispatched Timotheus, Conon's son, with sixty ships to aid Corcyra. He, however, before intervening in their favour, had sailed to the region of Thrace. Here he summoned many cities to join the alliance, and added thirty triremes to his fleet. [3] At this point, because he was too late to assist Corcyra, he was at first deprived of his command as a result of his loss of popularity. Later, however, when he sailed along the Attic coast to Athens, bringing with him a great number of envoys from states which were ready to conclude an alliance with Athens, having added thirty triremes to his fleet and put the whole fleet in good trim for the war, the people repented and reinstated132 him in his command. [4] They furthermore equipped forty additional triremes, so that altogether he had one hundred thirty; they also provided liberal stores of food, engines of war, and other supplies needed for war. To meet the immediate emergency, they chose Ctesicles133 general and sent him with five hundred soldiers to aid the Corcyraeans. [5] He arrived there secretly by night and sailed into Corcyra undetected by the besiegers. Finding the inhabitants of the city at strife with one another and handling military matters badly, he composed the dissensions, devoted much attention to the city's business, and heartened the besieged. [6] At first in an unexpected attack on the besiegers he slew about two hundred, and later in a great battle slew Mnasippus and not a few others. Finally he encircled and laid siege to the besiegers and won great approval.134 [7] The war to possess Corcyra was practically at an end when the Athenian fleet sailed in with the generals Timotheus135 and Iphicrates. These, having arrived too late for the critical moment, accomplished nothing worth mentioning except that, falling in with some Sicilian triremes136 which Dionysius had dispatched under the command of Cissides and Crinippus to assist his allies the Lacedaemonians, they captured them with their crews, nine ships in all. By selling the captives as booty they collected more than sixty talents, with which they paid their forces.137 [8]
While these things were going on, in Cyprus Nicocles the eunuch138 assassinated the king Evagoras and possessed himself of the royal power over the Salaminians; and in Italy the Romans, arrayed in battle against the Praenestini,139 defeated them and slew almost all their opponents. 140
When Asteius was archon at Athens, the Romans elected six military tribunes with consular power, Marcus Furius, Lucius Furius, Aulus Postumius, Lucius Lucretius, Marcus Fabius, and Lucius Postumius. During their term of office great earthquakes occurred in the Peloponnese accompanied by tidal waves which engulfed the open country and cities in a manner past belief; for never in the earlier periods had such disasters befallen Greek cities, nor had entire cities along with their inhabitants disappeared as a result of some divine force wreaking destruction and ruin upon mankind. [2] The extent of the destruction was increased by the time of its occurrence; for the earthquake did not come in the daytime when it would have been possible for the sufferers to help themselves, but the blow came at night, so that when the houses crashed and crumbled under the force of the shock, the population, owing to the darkness and to the surprise and bewilderment occasioned by the event, had no power to struggle for life. [3] The majority were caught in the falling houses and annihilated, but as day returned some survivors dashed from the ruins and, when they thought they had escaped the danger, met with a greater and still more incredible disaster. For the sea rose to a vast height, and a wave towering even higher washed away and drowned all the inhabitants and their native lands as well. Two cities in Achaia bore the brunt of this disaster, Helice and Bura,141 the former of which had, as it happened, before the earthquake held first place among the cities of Achaia. [4] These disasters have been the subject of much discussion. Natural scientists make it their endeavour to attribute responsibility in such cases not to divine providence, but to certain natural circumstances determined by necessary causes, whereas those who are disposed to venerate the divine power assign certain plausible reasons for the occurrence, alleging that the disaster was occasioned by the anger of the gods at those who had committed sacrilege. This question I too shall endeavour to deal with in detail in a special chapter of my history.142
In Ionia nine cities143 were in the habit of holding a common assemblage of all the Ionians and of offering sacrifices of great antiquity on a large scale to Poseidon in a lonely region near the place called Mycale. Later, however, as a result of the outbreak of wars in this neighbourhood, since they were unable to hold the Panionia there, they shifted the festival gathering to a safe place near Ephesus. Having sent an embassy to Delphi, they received an oracle telling them to take copies of the ancient ancestral altars at Helice, which was situated in what was then known as Ionia,144 but is known now as Achaia. [2] So the Ionians in obedience to the oracle sent men to Achaia to make the copies, and they spoke before the council of the Achaeans and persuaded them to give them what they asked. The inhabitants of Helice, however, who had an ancient saying that they would suffer danger when Ionians should sacrifice at the altar of Poseidon, taking account of the oracle, opposed the Ionians in the matter of the copies, saying that the sanctuary was not the common property of the Achaeans, but their own particular possession. The inhabitants of Bura also took part with them in this. [3] But since the Achaeans by common decree had concurred, the Ionians sacrificed at the altar of Poseidon as the oracle directed, but the people of Helice scattered the sacred possessions of the Ionians and seized the persons of their representatives,145 thus committing sacrilege. It was because of these acts, they say, that Poseidon in his anger brought ruin upon the offending cities through the earthquake and the flood. [4] That it was Poseidon's wrath that was wreaked upon these cities they allege that clear proofs are at hand: first, it is distinctly conceived that authority over earthquakes and floods belongs to this god,146 and also it is the ancient belief that the Peloponnese was an habitation of Poseidon; and this country is regarded as sacred in a way to Poseidon, and, speaking generally, all the cities in the Peloponnese pay honour to this god more than to any other of the immortals. [5] Furthermore, the Peloponnese has beneath its surface huge caverns and great underground accumulations of flowing water. Indeed there are two rivers in it which clearly have underground courses; one of them, in fact, near Pheneus, plunges into the ground, and in former times completely disappeared, swallowed up by underground caves, and the other, near Stymphalus,147 plunges into a chasm and flows for two hundred stades concealed underground, then pours forth by the city of the Argives. [6] In addition to these statements the pious say further that except for those who committed the sacrilege no one perished in the disaster.148 Concerning the earthquakes and floods which occurred we shall rest content with what has been said. 149
When Alcisthenes was archon at Athens, the Romans elected eight military tribunes with consular power, Lucius and Publius Valerius, Gaius Terentius, Lucius Menenius, Gaius Sulpicius, Titus Papirius, and Lucius Aemilius, and the Eleians celebrated the hundred second Olympiad in which Damon of Thurii won the stadium race. [2] During their term of office, after the Lacedaemonians had held the supremacy in Greece for almost five hundred years, a divine portent foretold the loss of their empire; for there was seen in the heavens during the course of many nights a great blazing torch which was named from its shape a “flaming beam,”150 and a little later, to the surprise of all, the Spartans were defeated in a great battle and irretrievably lost their supremacy. [3] Some of the students of nature ascribed the origin of the torch to natural causes, voicing the opinion that such apparitions occur of necessity at appointed times, and that in these matters the Chaldeans in Babylon and the other astrologers succeed in making accurate prophecies. These men, they say, are not surprised when such a phenomenon occurs, but rather if it does not, since each particular constellation has its own peculiar cycle and they complete these cycles through age-long movements in appointed courses. At any rate this torch had such brilliancy, they report, and its light such strength that it cast shadows on the earth similar to those cast by the moon. [4]
At this time Artaxerxes the Persian King, seeing that the Greek world was again in a turmoil, sent ambassadors,151 calling upon the Greeks to settle their internecine wars and establish a common peace in accordance with the covenants152 they had formerly made. All the Greeks gladly received his proposal, and all the cities agreed to a general peace except Thebes153; for the Thebans alone, being engaged in bringing Boeotia under a single confederacy,154 were not admitted by the Greeks because of the general determination to have the oaths and treaties made city by city.155 So, remaining outside of the treaties as formerly, the Thebans continued to hold Boeotia in a single confederacy subject to themselves. [5] The Lacedaemonians, being exasperated by this, decided to lead a large army against them as common enemies, for they cast an extremely jealous eye upon their increase of power, fearing lest with the leadership of all Boeotia they might break up the Spartan supremacy, given a suitable opportunity. For they constantly practised gymnastics and had great bodily strength, and since they were naturally lovers of war, they were inferior to no Greek nation in deeds of valour. [6] They had besides leaders conspicuous for their virtues, greatest among them being three men, Epameinondas, Gorgidas, and Pelopidas.156 The city of the Thebans was full of pride because of the glory of its ancestors in the heroic age and aspired to mighty deeds. In this year, then, the Lacedaemonians were making ready for war, levying armies both of their own citizens and from their allies as well. 157
When Phrasicleides was archon at Athens, the Romans elected eight military tribunes with consular power, Publius Manius, Gaius Erenucius, Gaius Sextus, Tiberius Julius, Lucius Lavinius, Publius Tribonius, and Gaius Manlius, and besides Lucius Anthestius.158 During their term of office the Thebans, since they were not participants in the truce, were forced to undertake alone the war with the Lacedaemonians; for there was no city that could legally join them, because all had agreed to the general peace. [2] The Lacedaemonians, since the Thebans were isolated, determined to fight them and reduce Thebes to complete slavery. And since the Lacedaemonians were making their preparations without concealment and the Thebans were destitute of allies, everyone assumed that they would easily be defeated by the Spartans. [3] Accordingly some of the Greeks who were friendly to the Thebans sympathized with them at the prospect of defeat, while others who were at odds with them were overjoyed at the thought that Thebes would in a trice be reduced to utter slavery. Finally the Lacedaemonians, their huge army ready, gave command of it to Cleombrotus their king,159 and first of all sent envoys ahead to Thebes, directing the Thebans to permit all of the Boeotian cities to be independent, to people Plataeae and Thespiae,160 and to restore the land to its former owners. [4] When the Thebans replied that they never meddled with affairs in Laconia and the Spartans had no right to touch those of Boeotia, such being the tenor of their answers, the Lacedaemonians sent Cleombrotus forth immediately with his army against Thebes; and the Spartan allies were eager for the war, confident that there would be no contest or battle but that they would master the Boeotians without a struggle.
The Spartans accordingly advanced till they came to Coroneia, where they encamped and waited for such of their allies as were tardy. The Thebans, in view of the presence of the enemy, first voted to remove their wives and children to safety in Athens, then chose Epameinondas general and turned over to him the command in the war, giving him as his advisers six boeotarchs. [2] Epameinondas, having conscripted for the battle all Thebans of military age and the other Boeotians who were willing and qualified, led forth from Thebes his army, numbering in all not more than six thousand. [3] As the soldiers were marching out from the city it seemed to many that unfavourable omens appeared to the armament. For by the gates Epameinondas was met by a blind herald, who, seeking recovery of runaway slaves, just as was usual,161 cried his warning not to take them from Thebes nor to spirit them away, but to bring them home and keep them secure. [4] Now the older people amongst those who heard the herald considered it an omen for the future; but the younger folk kept quiet so as not to appear through cowardice to hold Epameinondas back from the expedition. But Epameinondas replied to those who told him that he must observe the omens:“ One only omen is best, to fight for the land that is ours. ”Hom. Il. 12.243 [5]
Though Epameinondas astounded the cautious by his forthright answer, a second omen appeared more unfavourable than the previous one. For as the clerk advanced with a spear and a ribbon attached to it and signalled the orders from headquarters, a breeze came up and, as it happened, the ribbon was torn from the spear and wrapped itself around a slab that stood over a grave, and there were buried in this spot some Lacedaemonians and Peloponnesians who had died in the expedition under Agesilaus. [6] Some of the older folk who again chanced to be there protested earnestly against leading the force out in the face of the patent opposition of the gods; but Epameinondas, deigning them no reply, led forth his army, thinking that considerations of nobility and regard for justice should be preferred as motives to the omens in question. [7] Epameinondas accordingly, who was trained in philosophy and applied sensibly the principles of his training, was at the moment widely criticized, but later in the light of his successes was considered to have excelled in military shrewdness and did contribute the greatest benefits to his country. For he immediately led forth his army, seized in advance the pass at Coroneia, and encamped there.
Cleombrotus, learning that the enemy had seized the pass first, decided against forcing a passage there, proceeded instead through Phocis, and, when he had traversed the shore road which was difficult, entered Boeotia without danger. In his passage he took some of the fortresses and seized ten triremes.162 [2] Later, when he reached the place called Leuctra, he encamped there and allowed the soldiers to recover after their march. As the Boeotians neared the enemy in their advance, and then, after surmounting some ridges, suddenly caught sight of the Lacedaemonians covering the entire plain of Leuctra, they were astounded at beholding the great size of the army. [3] And when the boeotarchs held a conference163 to decide whether they ought to remain and fight it out with an army that many times outnumbered them, or whether they should retreat and join battle in a commanding position, it chanced that the votes of the leaders were equal. For of the six boeotarchs, three thought that they should withdraw the army, and three that they should stay and fight it out, and among the latter Epameinondas was numbered. In this great and perplexing deadlock, the seventh boeotarch came to vote, whom Epameinondas persuaded to vote with him, and thus he carried the day. So the decision to stake all on the issue of battle was thus ratified. [4] But Epameinondas, who saw that the soldiers were superstitious on account of the omens that had occurred, earnestly desired through his own ingenuity and strategy to reverse the scruples of the soldiery. Accordingly, a number of men having recently arrived from Thebes, he persuaded them to say that the arms on the temple of Heracles had surprisingly disappeared and that word had gone abroad in Thebes that the heroes of old had taken them up and set off to help the Boeotians. He placed before them another man as one who had recently ascended from the cave of Trophonius,164 who said that the god had directed them, when they won at Leuctra, to institute a contest with crowns for prizes in honour of Zeus the king. This indeed is the origin of this festival which the Boeotians now celebrate at Lebadeia.
An aider and abettor of this device was Leandrias165 the Spartan, who had been exiled from Lacedaemon and was then a member of the Theban expedition. He was produced in the assembly and declared that there was an ancient saying amongst the Spartans, that they would lose the supremacy when they should be defeated at Leuctra at the hands of the Thebans. [2] Certain local oracle-mongers likewise came up to Epameinondas, saying that the Lacedaemonians were destined to meet with a great disaster by the tomb of the daughters of Leuctrus and Scedasus for the following reasons. [3] Leuctrus was the person for whom this plain was named. His daughters and those of a certain Scedasus as well, being maidens, were violated by some Lacedaemonian ambassadors. The outraged girls, unable to endure their misfortune, called down curses on the country that had sent forth their ravishers and took their lives by their own hands.166 [4] Many other such occurrences were reported, and when Epameinondas had convened an assembly and exhorted the soldiers by the appropriate pleas to meet the issue, they all shifted their resolutions, rid themselves of their superstition, and with courage in their hearts stood ready for the battle. [5] There came also at this time to aid the Thebans an allied contingent from Thessaly, fifteen hundred infantry, and five hundred horsemen, commanded by Jason.167 He persuaded both the Boeotians and the Lacedaemonians to make an armistice and so to guard against the caprices of Fortune. [6] When the truce came into effect, Cleombrotus set out with his army from Boeotia, and there came to meet him another large army of Lacedaemonians and their allies under the command of Archidamus,168 son of Agesilaus. For the Spartans, seeing the preparedness of the Boeotians, and taking measures to meet their boldness and recklessness in battle, had dispatched the second army to overcome by the superior number of their combatants the daring of the enemy. [7] Once these armies had united, the Lacedaemonians thought it cowardly to fear the valour of the Boeotians. So they disregarded the truce and with high spirits returned to Leuctra. The Boeotians too were ready for the battle and both sides marshalled their forces.
Now on the Lacedaemonian side the descendants of Heracles were stationed as commanders of the wings, namely Cleombrotus the king and Archidamus,169 son of the King Agesilaus, while on the Boeotian side Epameinondas, by employing an unusual disposition of his own, was enabled through his own strategy to achieve his famous victory. [2] He selected from the entire army the bravest men and stationed them on one wing, intending to fight to the finish with them himself. The weakest he placed on the other wing and instructed them to avoid battle and withdraw gradually during the enemy's attack. So then, by arranging his phalanx in oblique formation, he planned to decide the issue of the battle by means of the wing in which were the elite. [3] When the trumpets on both sides sounded the charge and the armies simultaneously with the first onset raised the battle-cry, the Lacedaemonians attacked both wings with their phalanx in crescent formation, while the Boeotians retreated on one wing, but on the other engaged the enemy in double-quick time. [4] As they met in hand-to-hand combat, at first both fought ardently and the battle was evenly poised; shortly, however, as Epameinondas' men began to derive advantage from their valour and the denseness of their lines, many Peloponnesians began to fall. For they were unable to endure the weight of the courageous fighting of the elite corps; of those who had resisted some fell and others were wounded, taking all the blows in front. [5] Now as long as King Cleombrotus of the Lacedaemonians was alive and had with him many comrades-in-arms who were quite ready to die in his defence, it was uncertain which way the scales of victory inclined; but when, though he shrank from no danger, he proved unable to bear down his opponents, and perished in an heroic resistance after sustaining many wounds, then, as masses of men thronged about his body, there was piled up a great mound of corpses.
There being no one in command of the wing, the heavy column led by Epameinondas bore down upon the Lacedaemonians, and at first by sheer force caused the line of the enemy to buckle somewhat; then, however, the Lacedaemonians, fighting gallantly about their king, got possession of his body, but were not strong enough to achieve victory. [2] For as the corps of elite outdid them in feats of courage, and the valour and exhortations of Epameinondas contributed greatly to its prowess, the Lacedaemonians were with great difficulty forced back; at first, as they gave ground they would not break their formation, but finally, as many fell and the commander who would have rallied them had died, the army turned and fled in utter rout. [3] Epameinondas' corps pursued the fugitives,170 slew many who opposed them, and won for themselves a most glorious victory. For since they had met the bravest of the Greeks and with a small force had miraculously overcome many times their number, they won a great reputation for valour. The highest praises were accorded the general Epameinondas, who chiefly by his own courage and by his shrewdness as a commander had defeated in battle the invincible leaders of Greece. [4] More than four thousand171 Lacedaemonians fell in the battle but only about three hundred Boeotians. Following the battle they made a truce to allow for taking up the bodies of the dead and the departure of the Lacedaemonians to the Peloponnese.
Such was the outcome of events relating to the battle of Leuctra. 172
When the year had ended, at Athens Dysnicetus was archon, and in Rome military tribunes with consular power were elected, four in number: Quintus Servilius, Lucius Furius, Gaius Licinius, and Publius Coelius. During their term of office the Thebans, taking the field with a large army against Orchomenus, aimed to reduce the city to slavery, but when Epameinondas advised them that any who aimed at supremacy over the Greeks ought to safeguard by their generous treatment what they had achieved by their valour, they changed their mind. Accordingly they reckoned the people of Orchomenus as belonging to the territory of their allies, and later, having made friends of the Phocians, Aetolians, and Locrians, returned to Boeotia again.173 [2] Jason,174 tyrant of Pherae, whose power was constantly increasing, invaded Locris, first took Heracleia in Trachinia by treachery, laid it waste, and gave the country to the Oetaeans and Malians; then later, moving into Perrhaebia, he won over some of the cities by generous promises, and subdued others by force. As his position of influence speedily became established, the inhabitants of Thessaly looked with suspicion on his aggrandizement and encroachments. [3]
While these things were going on, in the city of Argos civil strife broke out accompanied by slaughter of a greater number than is recorded ever to have occurred anywhere else in Greece. Among the Greeks this revolutionary movement was called “Club-law,” receiving this appellation on account of the manner of the execution.
Now the strife arose from the following causes: the city of Argos175 had a democratic form of government, and certain demagogues instigated the populace against the outstanding citizens of property and reputation. The victims of the hostile charges then got together and decided to overthrow the democracy. [2] When some of those who were thought to be implicated were subjected to torture, all but one, fearing the agony of torture, committed suicide, but this one came to terms under torture, received a pledge of immunity, and as informer denounced thirty of the most distinguished citizens, and the democracy without a thorough investigation put to death all those who were accused and confiscated their property. [3] But many others were under suspicion, and as the demagogues supported false accusations, the mob was wrought up to such a pitch of savagery that they condemned to death all the accused, who were many and wealthy. When, however, more than twelve hundred influential men had been removed, the populace did not spare the demagogues themselves. [4] For because of the magnitude of the calamity the demagogues were afraid that some unforeseen turn of fortune might overtake them and therefore desisted from their accusation, whereas the mob, now thinking that they had been left in the lurch by them, were angry at this and put to death all the demagogues. So these men received the punishment which fitted their crimes as if some divinity were visiting its just resentment upon them, and the people, eased of their mad rage, were restored to their senses.
About the same time, Lycomedes176 of Tegea prevailed upon the Arcadians to form a single confederacy177 with a common council to consist of ten thousand men empowered to decide issues of war and peace. [2] But since civil war broke out in Arcadia on a large scale and the quarrelling factions came to a decision by force of arms, many were killed and more than fourteen hundred fled, some to Sparta, others to Pallantium.178 [3] Now these latter refugees were surrendered by the Pallantians and slaughtered by the victorious party, whereas those who took refuge in Sparta prevailed upon the Lacedaemonians to invade Arcadia.179 [4] Accordingly King Agesilaus with an army and the band of fugitives invaded the territory of the Tegeans, who were believed to have been the cause of the insurrection and the expulsions. By devastation of the countryside and assaults upon the city, he cowed the Arcadians of the opposing party.
While these things were going on, Jason,180 tyrant of Pherae, because of his superior shrewdness as a general and his success in attracting many of his neighbours into an alliance, prevailed upon the Thessalians to lay claim to the supremacy in Greece; for this was a sort of prize for valour open to those strong enough to contend for it. [2] Now it happened that the Lacedaemonians had sustained a great disaster at Leuctra; that the Athenians laid claim to the mastery of the sea only; that the Thebans were unworthy of first rank; and that the Argives had been brought low by civil wars and internecine slaughter. So the Thessalians put Jason forward as leader181 of the whole country, and as such gave him supreme command in war. Jason accepted the command, won over some of the tribes near by, and entered into alliance with Amyntas king of the Macedonians. [3]
A peculiar coincidence befell in this year, for three of those in positions of power died about the same time. Amyntas,182 son of Arrhidaeus, king of Macedonia died after a rule of twenty-four years, leaving behind him three sons, Alexander, Perdiccas, and Philip. The son Alexander183 succeeded to the throne and ruled for one year. [4] Likewise Agesipolis, king of the Lacedaemonians, died after ruling a year, the kingship going to Cleomenes his brother who succeeded to the throne and had a reign of thirty-four years.184 [5] Thirdly, Jason of Pherae, who had been chosen ruler of Thessaly and was reputed to be governing his subjects with moderation, was assassinated,185 either, as Ephorus writes, by seven young men who conspired together for the repute it would bring, or, as some historians say, by his brother Polydorus. This Polydorus himself also, after succeeding to the position of leader, ruled for one year. [6] Duris186 of Samos, the historian, began his History of the Greeks at this point.
These then were the events of this year. 187
When Lysistratus was archon at Athens, civil strife arose among the Romans, one party thinking there should be consuls, others that military tribunes should be chosen. For a time then anarchy supervened on civil strife, later they decided to choose six military tribunes, and those elected were Lucius Aemilius, Gaius Verginius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Quintius, Gaius Cornelius, and Gaius Valerius. [2] During their term of office Polydorus of Pherae the ruler of Thessaly was poisoned by Alexander188 his nephew, who had challenged him to a drinking bout, and the nephew Alexander succeeded to the rule as overlord and held it for eleven years. Having acquired the rule illegally and by force, he administered it consistently with the policy he had chosen to follow. For while the rulers before him had treated the peoples with moderation and were therefore loved, he was hated for his violent and severe rule.189 [3] Accordingly, in fear of his lawlessness, some Larissaeans, called Aleuadae190 because of their noble descent, conspired together to overthrow the overlordship. Journeying from Larissa to Macedonia, they prevailed upon the King Alexander to join them in overthrowing the tyrant. [4] But while they were occupied with these matters, Alexander of Pherae, learning of the preparations against him, gathered such men as were conveniently situated for the campaign, intending to give battle in Macedonia. But the Macedonian king, accompanied by refugees from Larissa, anticipated the enemy by invading Larissa with the army, and having been secretly admitted by the Larissaeans within the fortifications, he mastered the city with the exception of the citadel. [5] Later he took the citadel by siege, and, having also won the city of Crannon, at first covenanted to restore the cities to the Thessalians, but then, in contempt of public opinion, he brought into them garrisons of considerable strength and held the cities himself.191 Alexander of Pherae, hotly pursued and alarmed at the same time, returned to Pherae.
Such was the state of affairs in Thessaly.
In the Peloponnese, the Lacedaemonians dispatched Polytropus as general to Arcadia with a thousand citizen hoplites and five hundred Argive and Boeotian refugees. He reached the Arcadian Orchomenus and guarded it closely since it was on friendly terms with Sparta.192 [2] Lycomedes of Mantineia, general of the Arcadians, with five thousand men styled the elite,193 came to Orchomenus. As the Lacedaemonians led forth their army from the city a great battle ensued in which the Lacedaemonian general was killed194 and two hundred others, while the rest were driven into the city. [3] The Arcadians, in spite of their victory, felt a prudent respect for the strength of Sparta and believed that they would not be able by themselves to cope with the Lacedaemonians. Accordingly, associating Argives and Eleians with themselves, they first sent envoys to Athens requesting them to join in an alliance against the Spartans, but as no one heeded them, they sent an embassy to the Thebans and persuaded them to join an alliance against the Lacedaemonians.195 [4] Immediately, then, the Boeotians led out their army, taking some Locrians and Phocians along as allies. Now these men advanced against the Peloponnese under the boeotarchs Epameinondas and Pelopidas, for the other boeotarchs had willingly relinquished the command to these in recognition of their shrewdness in the art of war and their courage. [5] When they reached Arcadia, the Arcadians, Eleians, Argives, and all the other allies joined them in full force. And when more than fifty thousand had gathered, their leaders sitting in council decided to march upon Sparta itself and lay waste all Laconia.
As for the Lacedaemonians, since they had cast away many of their young men in the disaster at Leuctra and in their other defeats had lost not a few, and were, taking all together, restricted by the blows of fortune to but few citizen soldiers, and, furthermore, since some of their allies had seceded and others were experiencing a shortage of men for reasons similar to their own, they sank into a state of great weakness. Hence they were compelled to have recourse to the aid of the Athenians, the very people over whom they had once set up thirty tyrants,196 whom they had forbidden to rebuild the walls of their city, whose city they had aimed utterly to destroy, and whose territory, Attica, they wished to turn into a sheepwalk. [2] Yet, after all, nothing is stronger than necessity and fate, which compelled the Lacedaemonians to request the aid of their bitterest enemies. Nevertheless they were not disappointed of their hopes. For the Athenian people, magnanimous and generous, were not terrified by the power of Thebes, and voted to aid with all their forces the Lacedaemonians now that they were in danger of enslavement. Immediately they appointed Iphicrates general and dispatched him with twelve thousand young men the self-same day.197 Iphicrates, then, whose men were in high spirits, advanced with the army at top speed. [3] Meanwhile the Lacedaemonians, as the enemy took up quarters on the borders of Laconia, issued in full force from Sparta and marched on to meet them, weakened in military force but strong in inward courage. [4] Now Epameinondas and the others, perceiving that the country of the Lacedaemonians was difficult to invade, thought it not to their advantage to make the invasion with such a large force in a body, and so decided to divide their army into four columns and enter at several points.198
Now the first contingent, composed of the Boeotians, took the middle route to the city known as Sellasia199 and caused its inhabitants to revolt from the Lacedaemonians. [2] The Argives, entering by the borders of Tegeatis,200 engaged in battle the garrison set to guard the pass, slew its leader Alexander the Spartan and about two hundred of the rest, amongst whom were the Boeotian refugees. [3] The third contingent, composed of the Arcadians and containing the largest number, invaded the district called Sciritis,201 which had a large garrison under Ischolas, a man of conspicuous valour and shrewdness. Himself one of the most distinguished soldiers, he accomplished an heroic and memorable deed. [4] For, seeing that, because of the overwhelming number of the enemy, all who joined battle with them would be killed, he decided that while it was not in keeping with Spartan dignity to abandon his post in the pass, yet it would be useful to his country to preserve the men. He therefore in an amazing manner provided for both objects and emulated the courageous exploit of King Leonidas at Thermopylae.202 [5] For he picked out the young men and sent them back to Sparta to be of service to her in her hour of deadly peril. He himself, keeping his post with the older men, slew many of the enemy, but finally, encircled by the Arcadians, perished with all his corps. [6] The Eleians, who formed the fourth contingent, marching by other unguarded regions, reached Sellasia, for this was the locality designated to all as the rendezvous. When all the army had gathered in Sellasia, they advanced upon Sparta itself, sacking and burning the countryside.
Now the Lacedaemonians, who for five hundred years had preserved Laconia undevastated, could not then bear to see it being sacked by the enemy, but hot-headedly were ready to rush forth from the city; but being restrained by the elders from advancing too far from their native land, lest some one attack it, they were finally prevailed upon to wait quietly and keep the city safe. [2] Now Epameinondas descended through the Taygetus203 into the Eurotas valley and was engaged in crossing the river, whose current was swift since it was the winter season, when the Lacedaemonians, seeing their opponents' army thrown into confusion by the difficulty of the crossing, seized the opportunity favourable for attack. Leaving the women, children, and the old men as well in the city to guard Sparta, they marshalled in full force the men of military age, streamed forth against the enemy, fell upon them suddenly as they crossed, and wrought heavy slaughter. [3] But as the Boeotians and Arcadians fought back and began to encircle the enemy with their superior numbers, the Spartans, having slain many, withdrew to the city, for they had clearly displayed their own courage. [4] Following this, as Epameinondas in full force made a formidable assault on the city, the Spartans with the aid of their strong natural defences slew many of those who pressed rashly forward, but finally the besiegers applied great pressure and thought at first they had overcome Sparta by force; but as those who tried to force their way were some slain, some wounded, Epameinondas recalled the soldiers with the trumpet, but the men of their own accord would approach the city, and would challenge the Spartans to a pitched battle, bidding them otherwise admit their inferiority to the enemy. [5] When the Spartans replied to the effect that when they found a suitable occasion they would stake everything on one battle, they departed from the city. And when they had devastated all Laconia and amassed countless spoils, they withdrew to Arcadia. [6]
Thereupon the Athenians,204who had arrived on the scene too late for action, returned to Attica without accomplishing anything of note; but others of their allies, to the number of four thousand men, came to reinforce the Lacedaemonians. Besides these they attached to their numbers the Helots who had been newly emancipated, a thousand, and two hundred of the Boeotian fugitives, and summoned no small number from the neighbouring cities, so that they created an army comparable to that of the enemy. As they maintained these in one body and trained them, they gained more and more confidence and made themselves ready for the decisive contest.
Now Epameinondas, whose nature it was to aim at great enterprises and to crave everlasting fame, counselled the Arcadians and his other allies to resettle Messene, which for many years had remained stripped of its inhabitants by the Lacedaemonians, for it occupied a position well suited for operations against Sparta. When they all concurred, he sought out the remnants of the Messenians, and registering as citizens any others who so wished he founded Messene again, making it a populous city. Among them he divided the land, and reconstructing its buildings restored a notable Greek city and gained the widespread approbation of all men.205 [2]
Here I think it not unsuitable, since Messene has so often been captured and razed, to recapitulate its history206 from the beginning. In ancient times the line of Neleus and Nestor207 held it down to Trojan times; then Orestes, Agamemnon's son, and his descendants down to the return of the Heracleidae208; following which Cresphontes209 received Messene as his portion and his line ruled it for a time; but later when Cresphontes' descendants had lost the kingship, the Lacedaemonians became masters of it. [3] After this, at the death of the Lacedaemonian king Teleclus,210 the Messenians were defeated in a war by the Lacedaemonians. This war is said to have lasted twenty years, for the Lacedaemonians had taken an oath not to return to Sparta unless they should have captured Messene. Then it was that the children called partheniae211 were born and founded the city of Tarentum. Later, however, while the Messenians were in slavery to the Lacedaemonians, Aristomenes212 persuaded the Messenians to revolt from the Spartans, and he inflicted many defeats upon the Spartans at the time when the poet Tyrtaeus213 was given by the Athenians as a leader to Sparta. [4] Some say that Aristomenes lived during the twenty-year war. The last war214 between them was on the occasion of a great earthquake; practically all Sparta was destroyed and left bare of men, and the remnants of the Messenians settled Ithome with the aid of the Helots who joined the revolt, after Messene had for a long time been desolate. [5] But when they were unsuccessful in all their wars and were finally driven from their homes, they settled in Naupactus,215 a city which the Athenians had given them for an abode. Furthermore some of their number were exiled to Cephallenia, while others settled in Messana216 in Sicily, which was named after them. [6] Finally at the time under discussion the Thebans, at the instigation of Epameinondas, who gathered together the Messenians from all quarters, settled Messene and restored their ancient land to them.
Such then were the many important vicissitudes of Messenian history.
The Thebans, having accomplished in eighty-five days217 all that is narrated above, and having left a considerable garrison for Messene, returned to their own land. The Lacedaemonians, who had unexpectedly got rid of their enemies, sent to Athens a commission of the most distinguished Spartans, and came to an agreement over the supremacy: the Athenians should be masters of the sea, the Lacedaemonians of the land; but after this in both cities they set up a joint command.218 [2] The Arcadians now appointed Lycomedes their general, gave him the corps they called their elite,219 five thousand in number, and took the field against Pellene220 in Laconia. Having taken the city by force, they slew the Lacedaemonians who had been left behind there as a garrison, over three hundred men, enslaved the city, devastated the countryside, and returned home before assistance came from the Lacedaemonians. [3] The Boeotians, summoned by the Thessalians to liberate their cities and to overthrow the tyranny of Alexander of Pherae, dispatched Pelopidas with an army to Thessaly,221 after giving him instructions to arrange Thessalian affairs in the interests of the Boeotians. [4] Having arrived in Larissa and found the acropolis garrisoned by Alexander of Macedon,222 he obtained its surrender. Then proceeding into Macedon, where he made an alliance with Alexander the Macedonian king, he took from him as a hostage his brother Philip, whom he sent to Thebes.223 When he had settled Thessalian affairs as he thought fit in the interest of the Boeotians, he returned home.
After these events, Arcadians, Argives, and Eleians, making common cause, decided to take the field against the Lacedaemonians, and having sent a commission to the Boeotians prevailed on them to join in the war. They appointed Epameinondas commander224 along with other boeotarchs and dispatched seven thousand foot and six hundred horse. The Athenians, hearing that the Boeotian army was about to pass into the Peloponnese, dispatched an army and Chabrias as general against them. [2] He arrived in Corinth, added to his number Megarians,225 Pellenians,226 and also Corinthians, and so gathered a force of ten thousand men. Later, when the Lacedaemonians and other allies arrived at Corinth, there were assembled no less than twenty thousand men all told. [3] They decided to fortify the approaches and prevent the Boeotians from invading the Peloponnese. From Cenchreae227 to Lechaeum they fenced off the area with palisades and deep trenches, and since the task was quickly completed owing to the large number of men and their enthusiasm, they had every spot fortified before the Boeotians arrived. [4] Epameinondas came with his army, inspected the fortifications, and, perceiving that there was a spot very easy of access where the Lacedaemonians were on guard, first challenged the enemy to come forth to a pitched battle, though they were almost three times his number, then when not a man dared to advance beyond the fortified line, but all remained on the defensive in their palisaded camp, he launched a violent attack upon them. [5] Accordingly, throughout the whole area heavy assaults were made, but particularly against the Lacedaemonians, for their terrain was easily assailed and difficult to defend. Great rivalry arose between the two armies, and Epameinondas, who had with him the bravest of the Thebans, with great effort forced back the Lacedaemonians, and cutting through their defence and bringing his army through, passed into the Peloponnese, thereby accomplishing a feat no whit inferior to his former mighty deeds.
Having proceeded straightway to Troezen and Epidaurus, he ravaged the countryside but could not seize the cities, for they had garrisons of considerable strength, yet Sicyon,228 Phlius,229 and certain other cities he so intimidated as to bring them over to his side. When he invaded Corinth, and the Corinthians sallied forth to meet him, he defeated them in battle, and drove them all back inside their walls, but when the Boeotians were so elated by their success that some of them rashly ventured to force their way through the gates into the city, the Corinthians, frightened, took refuge in their houses, but Chabrias the Athenian general made an intelligent and determined resistance, and succeeded in driving the Boeotians out of the city, having also struck down many of them. [2] In the rivalry which followed, the Boeotians gathered all their army in line of battle and directed a formidable blow at Corinth; but Chabrias with the Athenians advanced out of the city, took his station on superior terrain and withstood the attack of the enemy. [3] The Boeotians, however, relying upon the hardihood of their bodies and their experience in continuous warfare, expected to worst the Athenians by sheer might, but Chabrias' corps, having the advantage of superior ground in the struggle and of abundant supplies from the city, slew some of the attackers and severely wounded others. [4] The Boeotians, having suffered many losses and being unable to accomplish anything, beat a retreat. So Chabrias won great admiration for his courage and shrewdness as a general and got rid of the enemy in this fashion.
From Sicily, Celts and Iberians to the number of two thousand sailed to Corinth, for they had been sent by the tyrant Dionysius to fight in alliance with the Lacedaemonians, and had received pay for five months. The Greeks, in order to make trial of them, led them forth; and they proved their worth in hand-to-hand fighting and in battles and many both of the Boeotians and of their allies were slain by them. Accordingly, having won repute for superior dexterity and courage and rendered many kinds of service, they were given awards by the Lacedaemonians and sent back home at the close of the summer to Sicily.230 [2] Following this, Philiscus, who was sent on this mission by King Artaxerxes, sailed to Greece to urge the Greeks to compose their strife and agree to a general peace. All but the Thebans responded willingly231; they, however, adhering to their own design, had brought all Boeotia into one confederation and were excluded from the agreement. Since the general peace was not agreed to, Philiscus left two thousand picked mercenaries, paid in advance, for the Lacedaemonians and then returned to Asia. [3]
While these things were going on, Euphron of Sicyon, a particularly rash and crack-brained individual, with accomplices from Argos, attempted to set up a tyranny.232 Succeeding in his plan, he sent forty of the wealthiest Sicyonians into exile, first confiscating their property, and, when he had secured large sums thereby, he collected a mercenary force and became lord of the city. 233
When Nausigenes was archon at Athens, in Rome four military tribunes with consular power were elected, Lucius Papirius, Lucius Menenius, Servius Cornelius, and Servius Sulpicius; and the Eleians celebrated the hundred third Olympiad, in which Pythostratus the Athenian won the stadium race. During their term of office Ptolemy234of Alorus, son of Amyntas, assassinated Alexander, his brother-in-law, and was king of Macedon for three years. [2] In Boeotia Pelopidas, whose military reputation rivalled that of Epameinondas, saw that the latter had arranged the Peloponnesian affairs to the advantage of the Boeotians, and was eager to be the instrument whereby districts outside of the Peloponnese were won for the Thebans. Taking along with him as his associate Ismenias, a friend of his, and a man who was admired for his valour, he entered Thessaly.235 There he met Alexander, the tyrant of Pherae, but was suddenly arrested with Ismenias, and placed under guard. [3] The Thebans, incensed at what had been done, dispatched with all speed eight thousand hoplites and six hundred cavalry into Thessaly, so frightening Alexander that he dispatched ambassadors to Athens for an alliance.236 The Athenian people immediately sent him thirty ships and a thousand men under the command of Autocles. [4] While Autocles was making the circuit of Euboea, the Thebans entered Thessaly. Though Alexander had gathered his infantry and had many times more horsemen than the Boeotians, at first the Boeotians decided to settle the war by battle, for they had the Thessalians as supporters; but when the latter left them in the lurch and the Athenians and some other allies joined Alexander, and they found their provisions of food and drink and all their other supplies giving out, the boeotarchs decided to return home. [5] When they had broken camp and were proceeding through level country, Alexander trailed them with a large body of cavalry and attacked their rear. A number of Boeotians perished under the continuous rain of darts, others fell wounded, until finally, being permitted neither to halt nor to proceed, they were reduced to utter helplessness, as was natural when they were also running short of provisions. [6] When they had now abandoned hope, Epameinondas, who was at that time serving as a private soldier, was appointed general by the men. Quickly selecting the light-armed men and cavalry, he took them with him, and, posting himself in the rear, with their aid checked the enemy pursuers and provided complete security for the heavy-armed men in the front ranks; and by wheeling about and offering battle and using masterly formations he saved the army. [7] By these repeated successes he more and more enhanced his own reputation and won the warm approbation of both his fellow citizens and allies. But the Thebans brought judgement against the boeotarchs of the day and punished them with a heavy fine.
When the reason is asked why a man of such parts was serving as a private soldier in the expedition that was sent to Thessaly, we must give his own plea in defence. In the battle at Corinth Epameinondas, having cut through the guard of the Lacedaemonians on the outwork, though he might have slain many of the enemy, was satisfied with his advantage and desisted from further combat. [2] A serious suspicion arose that he had spared the Lacedaemonians as a personal favour, and those who were jealous of his fame found an opportunity for plausible charges against him. They accordingly brought a charge of treason against him, and the populace, incensed, removed him from the board of boeotarchs, made him a private soldier, and sent him out with the rest. When he had by his achievements wiped out the feeling against him, the people then restored him to his former position of high repute. [3] Shortly after this the Lacedaemonians fought a great battle with the Arcadians and defeated them signally. Indeed since the defeat at Leuctra this was their first stroke of good fortune, and it was a surprising one; for over ten thousand Arcadians fell and not one Lacedaemonian.237 The priestesses of Dodona238 had foretold to them that this war would be a tearless one for the Lacedaemonians. [4] After this battle the Arcadians, fearful of the invasions of the Lacedaemonians, founded in a favourable location the city called Great, Megalopolis, by combining to form it twenty239 villages of the Arcadians known as Maenalians240 and Parrhasians.
Such were the events in Greece at this time.
In Sicily, Dionysius the tyrant having large armies, and perceiving that the Carthaginians were in no condition for war because of the plague which had raged in their midst241 and the defection of the Libyans, decided to take the field against them. Not having a reasonable excuse for strife, he alleged that the Phoenicians in the empire of Carthage had violated the territory subject to him. [2] He therefore got ready an armament of thirty thousand foot, three thousand horse, three hundred triremes and the supply train appropriate for that force, and invaded Carthaginian territory in Sicily. He immediately won Selinus and Entella, laid waste the whole countryside, and, having captured the city of Eryx, besieged Lilybaeum,242 but there were so many soldiers in the place that he abandoned the siege. [3] Hearing that the Carthaginians' dockyards had been burned and thinking their whole fleet had been destroyed, he conceived a contempt for them and dispatched only one hundred thirty of his best triremes to the harbour of Eryx, sending all the rest back to Syracuse. [4] But the Carthaginians, having unexpectedly manned two hundred ships, sailed against the fleet at anchor in the harbour of Eryx, and, as the attack was unforeseen, they made off with most of the triremes. Later when winter had set in, the two states agreed to an armistice and separated, each going to its own cities. [5] A little later Dionysius fell sick and died, after ruling as overlord for thirty-eight years. His son Dionysius succeeded and ruled as tyrant twelve years.
It is not out of keeping with the present narrative to recount the cause of his death and the events which befell this dynast toward the end of his life. Now Dionysius had produced a tragedy at the Lenaea243 at Athens244 and had won the victory, and one of those who sang in the chorus, supposing that he would be rewarded handsomely if he were the first to give news of the victory, set sail to Corinth. There, finding a ship bound for Sicily, he transferred to it, and obtaining favouring winds, speedily landed at Syracuse and gave the tyrant news of the victory. [2] Dionysius did reward him, and was himself so overjoyed that he sacrificed to the gods for the good tidings and instituted a drinking bout and great feasts. As he entertained his friends lavishly and during the bout applied himself overzealously to drink, he fell violently ill from the quantity of liquor he had consumed. [3] Now he had an oracle the gods had given him that he should die when he had conquered “his betters,” but he interpreted the oracle as referring to the Carthaginians, assuming that these were “his betters.” So in the wars that he had many times waged against them he was accustomed to withdraw in the hour of victory and accept defeat willingly, in order that he might not appear to have proved himself “better” than the stronger foe. [4] For all that, however, he could not in the end by his chicanery outwit the destiny Fate had in store for him; on the contrary, though a wretched poet and though judged on this occasion in a competition at Athens,245 he defeated “better” poets than himself. So in verbal consistency with the decree of the oracle he met his death as a direct consequence of defeating “his betters.” [5]
Dionysius the younger on his succession to the tyranny first gathered the populace in an assembly and urged them in appropriate words to maintain toward him the loyalty that passed to him with the heritage that he had received from his father; then, having buried his father with magnificent obsequies in the citadel by the gates called royal, he made secure for himself the administration of the government. 246
When Polyzelus was archon at Athens, anarchy prevailed at Rome because of civil dissensions, and in Greece, Alexander, tyrant of Pherae in Thessaly, having lodged accusations about certain matters against the city of Scotussa,247 summoned its citizens to an assembly and, having surrounded them with mercenaries, slew them all, cast the bodies of the dead into the ditch in front of the walls, and plundered the city from end to end. [2] Epameinondas, the Theban, entered the Peloponnese with an army, won over the Achaeans248 and some cities besides, and liberated Dyme, Naupactus, and Calydon, which were held by a garrison of the Achaeans. The Boeotians invaded Thessaly also and released Pelopidas249 from the custody of Alexander, tyrant of Pherae. [3] And to the Phliasians upon whom the Argives were waging war, Chares250 brought assistance, having been sent with an army under his command by the Athenians; he defeated the Argives in two battles, and after securing the position of the Phliasians, returned to Athens. 251
When the year ended, Cephisodorus was archon at Athens, and at Rome the people elected four military tribunes with consular power, Lucius Furius, Paulus Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, and Servius Cornelius. During their term of office, Themison,252 tyrant of Eretria, seized Oropus. But this city, which belonged to Athens, he quite unexpectedly lost; for when the Athenians took the field against him with far superior forces, the Thebans, who had come to aid him and had taken over from him the city for safekeeping, did not give it back. [2]
While these things were going on, the Coans transferred their abode to the city they now inhabit and made it a notable place253; for a large population was gathered into it, and costly walls and a considerable harbour were constructed. From this time on its public revenues and private wealth constantly increased, so much so that it became in a word a rival of the leading cities of Greece. [3]
While these things were going on, the Persian King254 sent envoys and succeeded in persuading the Greeks to settle their wars and make a general peace with one another. Accordingly the war called Sparto-Boeotian was settled after lasting more than five years counting from the campaign of Leuctra. [4]
In this period there were men memorable for their culture,255 Isocrates the orator and those who became his pupils, Aristotle the philosopher, and besides these Anaximenes of Lampsacus, Plato of Athens, the last of the Pythagorean philosophers, and Xenophon who composed his histories in extreme old age, for he mentions the death of Epameinondas which occurred a few years later.256 Then there were Aristippus and Antisthenes, and Aeschines of Sphettus, the Socratic. 257
When Chion was archon at Athens, at Rome military tribunes with consular power were elected, Quintus Servilius, Gaius Veturius, Aulus Cornelius, Marcus Cornelius, and Marcus Fabius. During their term of office, though peace prevailed throughout Greece, clouds of war again gathered in certain cities and strange new outbreaks of revolution. For instance, the Arcadian exiles,258 setting out from Elis, occupied a stronghold known as Lasion of the country called Triphylia. [2] For many years Arcadia and Elis had been disputing the possession of Triphylia, and according as the ascendancy shifted from one country to the other, they had alternately been masters of the district; but at the period in question, though the Arcadians were ruling Triphylia, the Eleians, making the refugees a pretext, took it from the Arcadians.259 [3] As a result the Arcadians were incensed and at first dispatched envoys demanding a return of the district; but when no one paid any attention to them, they summoned an allied force from the Athenians and with it attacked Lasion. The Eleians coming to the rescue of the refugees, a battle ensued near Lasion in which, being many times outnumbered by the Arcadians, the Eleians were defeated and lost over two hundred men. [4] When the war had started in this way, it came to pass that the disagreement between Arcadians and Eleians widened in scope, for immediately the Arcadians, elated by their success, invaded Elis and took the cities of Margana and Cronion,260 and Cyparissia and Coryphasium.261 [5]
While these things were going on, in Macedon Ptolemy of Alorus262 was assassinated by his brother-in-law Perdiccas263 after ruling three years; and Perdiccas succeeded to the throne and ruled Macedon for five years. 264
When Timocrates was archon at Athens, in Rome three military tribunes with consular power were elected, Titus Quinctius, Servius Cornelius, and Servius Sulpicius; and the hundred fourth Olympiad was celebrated by the Pisans and Arcadians, in which Phocides, an Athenian, won the stadium race. [2] During their term of office the Pisans, renewing the ancient prestige265 of their country and resorting to mythical, antiquarian proofs, asserted that the honour of holding the Olympian festival was their prerogative. And judging that they had now a suitable occasion for claiming the games, they formed an alliance with the Arcadians, who were enemies of the Eleians. With them as supporters they took the field against the Eleians who were in the act of holding the games. [3] The Eleians resisted with all their forces and a stubborn battle took place, having as spectators the Greeks who were present for the festival wearing wreaths on their heads and calmly applauding the deeds of valour on both sides, themselves out of reach of danger. Finally the Pisans won the day and held the games, but the Eleians later failed to record this Olympiad because they considered that it had been conducted by force and contrary to justice. [4]
While these things were going on, Epameinondas the Theban, who enjoyed the highest standing amongst his fellow countrymen, harangued his fellow citizens at a meeting of the assembly, urging them to strive for the supremacy on the sea. In the course of the speech, which was the result of long consideration, he pointed out that this attempt was both expedient and possible, alleging in particular that it was easy for those who possessed supremacy on land to acquire the mastery of the sea. The Athenians, for instance, in the war with Xerxes, who had two hundred ships manned by themselves, were subject to the commands of the Lacedaemonians who provided only ten ships. By this and many other arguments suited to his theme he prevailed upon the Thebans to make a bid for the mastery at sea.
Accordingly the people immediately voted to construct a hundred triremes and dockyards to accommodate their number,266 and to urge the peoples of Rhodes, Chios, and Byzantium to assist their schemes.267 Epameinondas himself, who had been dispatched with a force to the aforementioned cities, so overawed Laches, the Athenian general, who had a large fleet and had been sent out to circumvent the Thebans, that he forced him to sail away and made the cities friendly to Thebes. [2] Indeed if this man had lived on longer, the Thebans admittedly would have secured the mastery at sea in addition to their supremacy on land; when, however, a little while later, after winning a most glorious victory for his country in the battle of Mantineia, he died a hero's death, straightway the power of Thebes died with him. But this subject we shall set forth accurately in detail a little later. [3] At that time268 the Thebans decided to take the field against Orchomenus for the following reasons. Certain refugees who wanted to change the constitution of Thebes to an aristocracy induced the knights of Orchomenus, three hundred in all, to join them in the attempt. [4] These knights, who were in the habit of meeting with some Thebans on a stated day for a review under arms, agreed to make the attack on this day, and along with many others who joined the movement and added their efforts, they met at the appointed time. [5] Now the men who had originated the action changed their minds, and disclosed to the boeotarchs the projected attack, thus betraying their fellow conspirators, and by this service they purchased safety for themselves. The officials arrested the knights from Orchomenus and brought them before the assembly, where the people voted to execute them, to sell the inhabitants of Orchomenus into slavery, and to raze the city. For from earliest times the Thebans had been ill-disposed towards them, having paid tribute to the Minyae269 in the heroic age, but later they had been liberated by Heracles. [6] So the Thebans, thinking they had a good opportunity and having got plausible pretexts for punishing them, took the field against Orchomenus, occupied the city, slew the male inhabitants and sold into slavery the women and children.
About this time the Thessalians, who continued the war upon Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, and, suffering defeat in most of the battles, had lost large numbers of their fighting men, sent ambassadors to the Thebans with a request to assist them and to dispatch to them Pelopidas as general.270 For they knew that on account of his arrest271 by Alexander he was on very bad terms with the ruler, and besides, that he was a man of superior courage and widely renowned for his shrewdness in the art of war. [2] When the common council of the Boeotians convened and the envoys had explained the matters on which they had been instructed, the Boeotians concurred with the Thessalians in every matter, gave Pelopidas seven thousand men and ordered him speedily to assist as requested; but as Pelopidas was hastening to leave with his army,272 the sun, as it happened, was eclipsed.273 [3] Many were superstitious about the phenomenon, and some of the soothsayers declared that because of the withdrawal of the soldiers, the city's “sun” had been eclipsed. Although in this interpretation they were foretelling the death of Pelopidas, he notwithstanding set out for the campaign, drawn on by Fate. [4] When he arrived in Thessaly, and found that Alexander had forestalled him by occupying the commanding positions and had more than twenty thousand274 men, he encamped opposite the enemy, and, strengthening his forces with allied troops from among the Thessalians, joined battle with his opponents. [5] Although Alexander had the advantage by reason of his superior position, Pelopidas, eager to settle the battle by his own courage, charged Alexander himself. The ruler with a corps of picked men resisted, and a stubborn battle ensued, in the course of which Pelopidas, performing mighty deeds of valour, strewed all the ground about him with dead men, and though he brought the contest to a close, routed the enemy and won the victory, he yet lost his own life, suffering many wounds and heroically forfeiting his life. [6] But Alexander, after being worsted in a second battle and utterly crushed, was compelled by agreement to restore to the Thessalians the cities he had reduced, to surrender the Magnesians and the Phthiotian Achaeans to the Boeotians, and for the future to be the ruler over Pherae alone as an ally of the Boeotians.
Although the Thebans had won a famous victory, they declared to the world that they were the losers because of the death of Pelopidas; for having lost such a remarkable man, they rightly judged the victory of less account than the fame of Pelopidas. Indeed he had done many great services to his country and had contributed more than any other man to the rise of Thebes. For in the matter of the return of the refugees,275 whereby he recaptured the Cadmeia, all men agree in attributing to him the principal credit for its success. And it turned out that this piece of good fortune was the cause of all the subsequent happy events. [2] In the battle by Tegyra,276 Pelopidas alone of the boeotarchs won victory over the Lacedaemonians, the most powerful of the Greeks, the first occasion when on account of the importance of the victory the Thebans erected a trophy over the Lacedaemonians. In the battle of Leuctra he commanded the Sacred Band,277 with which he charged the Spartans first and thus was the primary cause of the victory. In the campaigns about Lacedaemon, he commanded seventy thousand men, and in the very territory of Sparta erected a trophy of victory over the Lacedaemonians, who never in all previous time had seen their land plundered.278 [3] As ambassador to the Persian King he took Messene under his personal charge in the general settlement, and though for three hundred years it had been stripped of inhabitants, the Thebans established it again.279 At the end of his life, in the contest with Alexander who had an army far out-numbering his, he not only gained a glorious victory, but also met his death with a courage that made it renowned.280 [4] In his relations with his fellow citizens he was so favourably treated that from the return of the exiles to Thebes until his death he continued every year to hold the office of boeotarch,281 an honour accorded to no other citizen. So let Pelopidas, whose personal merits received the approbation of all, receive from us too the approbation of History. [5]
At the same time, Clearchus, who was a native of Heracleia on the Black Sea, set out to win a tyranny, and when he had achieved his purpose, he emulated the methods of Dionysius tyrant of Syracuse, and after becoming tyrant of Heracleia ruled with conspicuous success for twelve years.282 [6] While these things were going on Timotheus, the Athenian general, commanding a force of both infantry and ships, besieged and took Torone and Potidaea,283 and brought relief to Cyzicus,284 which was undergoing a siege. 285
When this year had ended, at Athens Charicleides286 became archon, and in Rome consuls were elected, Lucius Aemilius Mamercus and Lucius Sextius Lateranus. During their term of office the Arcadians collaborating with the Pisans administered the Olympian games, and were masters of the temple and the offerings deposited in it.287 Since the Mantineians had appropriated for their own private uses a large number of the dedications, they were eager as transgressors for the war against the Eleians to continue, in order to avoid, if peace were restored, giving an account of their expenditures.288 [2] But since the rest of the Arcadians wished to make peace, they stirred up strife against their fellow countrymen. Two parties accordingly sprang up, one headed by Tegea, and the other by Mantineia. [3] Their quarrel assumed such proportions that they resorted to a decision by arms, and the Tegeans, having sent ambassadors to the Boeotians, won assistance for themselves, for the Boeotians appointed Epameinondas general, gave him a large army, and dispatched him to aid the Tegeans.289 [4] The Mantineians, terrified at the army from Boeotia and the reputation of Epameinondas, sent envoys to the bitterest enemies of the Boeotians, the Athenians and the Lacedaemonians, and prevailed upon them to fight on their side.290 And when both peoples had quickly sent in response strong armies, many heavy engagements took place in the Peloponnesus. [5] Indeed the Lacedaemonians, living near at hand, immediately invaded Arcadia, but Epameinondas, advancing at this juncture with his army and being not far from Mantineia, learned from the inhabitants that the Lacedaemonians, in full force, were plundering the territory of Tegea. [6] Supposing then that Sparta was stripped of soldiers, he planned a great stroke, but fortune worked against him. He himself set out by night to Sparta, but the Lacedaemonian king Agis, suspecting the cunning of Epameinondas, shrewdly guessed what he would do, and sent out some Cretan runners and through them forestalling Epameinondas got word to the men who had been left behind in Sparta that the Boeotians would shortly appear in Lacedaemon to sack the city, but that he himself would come as quickly as possible with his army to bring aid to his native land.291 So he gave orders for those who were in Sparta to watch over the city and be terrified at nothing, for he himself would soon appear with help.
The Cretans speedily carried out their orders, and the Lacedaemonians miraculously avoided the capture of their native land; for had not the attack been disclosed in advance, Epameinondas would have burst into Sparta undetected. We can justly praise the ingenuity of both generals, but should deem the strategy of the Laconian the shrewder. [2] It is true that Epameinondas, without resting the entire night, covered the distance at top speed and at daybreak attacked Sparta. But Agesilaus, who had been left on guard and had learned only shortly before from the Cretans all about the enemy's plan, straightway devoted his utmost energy to the care of the city's defence. [3] He placed the oldest children and the aged on the roofs of the houses and instructed them from there to defend themselves against the enemy if he forced a way into the city, while he himself lined up the men in the prime of life and apportioned them to the obstacles in front of the city and to the approaches, and, having blocked all places that could offer passage, he awaited the attack of the enemy. [4] Epameinondas, after dividing his soldiers into several columns, attacked everywhere at once, but when he saw the disposition of the Spartans, he knew immediately that his move had been revealed. Nevertheless he made the assault on all the positions one after the other, and, though he was at a disadvantage because of the obstacles, closed in a hand-to-hand combat. [5] Many a blow he received and dealt and did not call off the zealous rivalry until the army of the Lacedaemonians re-entered Sparta. Then as many came to the assistance of the besieged and night intervened, he desisted from the siege.
Having learned from his captives that the Mantineians had come in full force to assist the Lacedaemonians, Epameinondas then withdrew a short distance from the city and encamped, and having given orders to prepare mess, he left some of the horsemen and ordered them to burn fires in the camp until the morning watch, while he himself set out with his army and hurried to fall suddenly on those who had been left in Mantineia. [2] Having covered much ground on the next day, he suddenly broke in on the Mantineians when they were not expecting it. However, he did not succeed in his attempt, although by his plan of campaign he had provided for every contingency, but, finding Fate opposed to him, contrary to his expectations he lost the victory. For just as he was approaching the unprotected city, on the opposite side of Mantineia there arrived the reinforcements sent by Athens,292 six thousand in number with Hegesileos293 their general, a man at that time renowned amongst his fellow citizens. He introduced an adequate force into the city and arrayed the rest of the army in expectation of a decisive battle. [3] And presently the Lacedaemonians and Mantineians made their appearance as well, whereat all got ready for the contest which was to decide the issue and summoned their allies from every direction. [4] On the side of the Mantineians were the Eleians, Lacedaemonians, Athenians, and a few others, who numbered all told more than twenty thousand foot and about two thousand horse. On the side of the Tegeans the most numerous and bravest of the Arcadians were ranged as allies, also Achaeans,294 Boeotians, Argives, some other Peloponnesians, and allies from outside, and all in all there were assembled above thirty thousand foot and not less than three thousand horse.
Both sides eagerly drew together for the decisive conflict,295 their armies in battle formation, while the soothsayers, having sacrificed on both sides, declared that victory was foreshadowed by the gods. [2] In the disposition of forces the Mantineians with the rest of the Arcadians occupied the right wing with the Lacedaemonians as their neighbours and supporters, and next to these were Eleians and Achaeans; and the weaker of the remaining forces occupied the centre, while the Athenians filled the left wing. The Thebans themselves had their post on the left wing, supported by the Arcadians, while they entrusted the right to the Argives. The remaining multitude filled the middle of the line: Euboeans, Locrians, Sicyonians, Messenians, Malians, Aenianians, together with Thessalians and the remaining allies. Both sides divided the cavalry and placed contingents on each wing. [3] Such was the array of the armaments, and now as they approached one another, the trumpets sounded the battle charge, the armies raised the battle shout, and by the very volume of their cries betokened their victory. At first they engaged in a cavalry battle on the flanks in which they outbid each other in keen rivalry. [4] Now as the Athenian horse attacked the Theban they suffered defeat not so much because of the quality of their mounts nor yet on the score of the riders' courage or experience in horsemanship, for in none of these departments was the Athenian cavalry deficient; but it was in the numbers and equipment of the light-armed troops and in their tactical skill that they were far inferior to their opponents. Indeed they had only a few javelin-throwers, whereas the Thebans had three times as many slingers and javelin-throwers sent them from the regions about Thessaly. [5] These people practised from boyhood assiduously this type of fighting and consequently were wont to exercise great weight in battles because of their experience in handling these missiles. Consequently the Athenians, who were continually being wounded by the light-armed and were harried to exhaustion by the opponents who confronted them, all turned and fled. [6] But having fled beyond the flanks, they managed to retrieve their defeat, for even in their retreat they did not break their own phalanx, and encountering simultaneously the Euboeans and certain mercenaries who had been dispatched to seize the heights near by, they gave battle and slew them all. [7] Now the Theban horse did not follow up the fugitives, but, assailing the phalanx opposing them, strove zealously to outflank the infantry. The battle was a hot one; the Athenians were exhausted and had turned to flee, when the Eleian cavalry-commander, assigned to the rear, came to the aid of the fugitives and, by striking down many Boeotians, reversed the course of the battle. [8] So while the Eleian cavalry by their appearance in this fashion on the left wing retrieved the defeat their allies had sustained, on the other flank both cavalry forces lashed at one another and the battle hung for a short time in the balance, but then, because of the number and valour of the Boeotian and Thessalian horsemen, the contingents on the Mantineian side were forced back, and with considerable loss took refuge with their own phalanx.
Now the cavalry battle had the foregoing issue. But when the infantry forces closed with the enemy in hand-to-hand combat, a mighty, stupendous struggle ensued. For never at any other time when Greeks fought Greeks was such a multitude of men arrayed, nor did generals of greater repute or men more competent ever display such gallantry in battle. [2] For the most capable foot-soldiers of that time, Boeotians and Lacedaemonians, whose lines were drawn up facing one another, began the contest, exposing their lives to every risk. After the first exchange of spears in which most were shattered by the very density of the missiles, they engaged with swords. [3] And although their bodies were all locked with one another and they were inflicting all manner of wounds, yet they did not leave off; and for a long time as they persisted in their terrible work, because of the superlative courage displayed on each side, the battle hung poised. For each man, disregarding the risk of personal hurt, but desirous rather of performing some brilliant deed, would nobly accept death as the price of glory. [4] As the battle raged severely for a long time and the conflict took no turn in favour of either side, Epameinondas, conceiving that victory called for the display of his own valour also, decided to be himself the instrument to decide the issue. So he immediately took his best men, grouped them in close formation and charged into the midst of the enemy; he led his battalion in the charge and was the first to hurl his javelin, and hit the commander of the Lacedaemonians. [5] Then, as the rest of his men also came immediately into close quarters with the foe, he slew some, threw others into a panic, and broke through the enemy phalanx. The Lacedaemonians, overawed by the prestige of Epameinondas and by the sheer weight of the contingent he led, withdrew from the battle, but the Boeotians kept pressing the attack and continually slaying any men who were in the rear rank, so that a multitude of corpses was piled up.
As for the Lacedaemonians, when they saw that Epameinondas in the fury of battle was pressing forward too eagerly, they charged him in a body. As the missiles flew thick and fast about him, he dodged some, others he fended off, still others he pulled from his body and used to ward off his attackers. But while struggling heroically for the victory, he received a mortal wound in the chest. As the spear broke and the iron point was left in his body, he fell of a sudden, his strength sapped by the wound. About his body a rivalry ensued in which many were slain on both sides, but at last with difficulty by their superiority in bodily strength, the Thebans wore the Lacedaemonians out. [2] As the latter turned and fled, the Boeotians pursued for a short time but turned back, considering it most essential to take possession of the bodies of the dead. So, when the trumpeters sounded recall for their men, all withdrew from battle and both sides set up trophies claiming the victory. [3] In fact the Athenians had defeated the Euboeans and mercenaries in the battle for the heights and were in possession of the dead; while the Boeotians, because they had overpowered the Lacedaemonians and were in possession of the dead, were for awarding the victory to themselves. [4] So for a long time neither side sent envoys to recover its dead, in order that it should not appear to yield the primacy; but later, when the Lacedaemonians were the first to have sent a herald to ask for the recovery of their dead, each side buried its own. [5] Epameinondas, however, was carried back to camp still living, and the physicians were summoned, but when they declared that undoubtedly as soon as the spear-point should be drawn from his chest, death would ensue, with supreme courage he met his end. [6] For first summoning his armour-bearer he asked him if he had saved his shield. On his replying yes and placing it before his eyes, he again asked, which side was victorious. At the boy's answer that the Boeotians were victorious, he said, “It is time to die,” and directed them to withdraw the spear point. His friends present cried out in protest, and one of them said: “You die childless, Epameinondas,” and burst into tears. To this he replied, “No, by Zeus, on the contrary I leave behind two daughters, Leuctra and Mantineia, my victories.”296 Then when the spear point was withdrawn, without any commotion he breathed his last.
For us who are wont to accord to the demise of great men the appropriate meed of praise, it would be most unfitting, so we think, to pass by the death of a man of such stature with no word of note. For it seems to me that he surpassed his contemporaries not only in skill and experience in the art of war, but in reasonableness and magnanimity as well. [2] For among the generation of Epameinondas were famous men: Pelopidas the Theban, Timotheus and Conon, also Chabrias and Iphicrates, Athenians all, and, besides, Agesilaus the Spartan, who belonged to a slightly older generation. Still earlier than these, in the times of the Medes and Persians, there were Solon, Themistocles, Miltiades, and Cimon, Myronides, and Pericles and certain others in Athens, and in Sicily Gelon, son of Deinomenes, and still others. [3] All the same, if you should compare the qualities of these with the generalship and reputation of Epameinondas, you would find the qualities possessed by Epameinondas far superior. For in each of the others you would discover but one particular superiority as a claim to fame; in him, however, all qualities combined. For in strength of body and eloquence of speech, furthermore in elevation of mind, contempt of lucre, fairness, and, most of all, in courage and shrewdness in the art of war, he far surpassed them all. [4] So it was that in his lifetime his native country acquired the primacy of Hellas, but when he died lost it and constantly suffered change for the worse and finally, because of the folly of its leaders, experienced slavery and devastation. So Epameinondas, whose valour was approved among all men, in the manner we have shown met his death.
The states of Greece after the battle, since the victory credited to them all was in dispute and they had proved to be evenly matched in, the matter of valour, and, furthermore, were now exhausted by the unbroken series of battles, came to terms with one another. When they had agreed upon a general peace and alliance, they sought to include the Messenians in the compact. [2] But the Lacedaemonians, because of the irreconcilable quarrel with them, chose not to be parties to the truce and alone of the Greeks remained out of it.297 [3]
Among the historians Xenophon the Athenian brings the narrative of “Greek Affairs”298 down into this year, closing it with the death of Epameinondas, while Anaximenes of Lampsacus, who composed the “First Inquiry of Greek Affairs”299 beginning with the birth of the gods and the first generation of man, closed it with the battle of Mantineia and the death of Epameinondas. He included practically all the doings of the Greeks and non-Greeks in twelve volumes. And Philistus300 brought his history of Dionysius the Younger down to this year, narrating the events of five years in two volumes. 301
When Molon was archon at Athens, in Rome there were elected as consuls Lucius Genucius and Quintus Servilius. During their term of office the inhabitants of the Asiatic coast revolted from Persia, and some of the satraps and generals rising in insurrection made war on Artaxerxes.302 [2] At the same time Tachos the Egyptian king decided to fight the Persians and prepared ships and gathered infantry forces.303 Having procured many mercenaries from the Greek cities, he persuaded the Lacedaemonians likewise to fight with him, for the Spartans were estranged from Artaxerxes because the Messenians had been included by the King on the same terms as the other Greeks in the general peace. When the general uprising against the Persians reached such large proportions, the King also began making preparations for the war. [3] For at one and the same time he must needs fight the Egyptian king, the Greek cities of Asia, the Lacedaemonians and the allies of these,—satraps and generals who ruled the coastal districts and had agreed upon making common cause with them. Of these the most distinguished were Ariobarzanes,304 satrap of Phrygia, who at the death of Mithridates had taken possession of his kingdom, and Mausolus,305 overlord of Caria, who was master of many strongholds and important cities of which the hearth and mother city was Halicarnassus, which possessed a famous acropolis and the royal palace of Caria; and, in addition to the two already mentioned, Orontes,306 satrap of Mysia, and Autophradates,307 satrap of Lydia. Apart from the Ionians were Lycians, Pisidians, Pamphylians, and Cilicians, likewise Syrians, Phoenicians, and practically all the coastal peoples. [4] With the revolt so extensive, half the revenues of the King were cut off and what remained were insufficient for the expenses of the war.
The peoples who had revolted from the King chose as their general Orontes in charge of all branches of the administration. He, having taken over the command and funds needed for recruiting mercenaries, amounting to a year's pay for twenty thousand men, proceeded to betray his trust. For suspecting that he would obtain from the King not only great rewards but would also succeed to the satrapy of all the coastal region if he should deliver the rebels into the hands of the Persians, he first arrested those who brought the money and dispatched them to Artaxerxes; then afterward he delivered many of the cities and the soldiers who had been hired to the commanding officers who had been sent by the King. [2] In a similar manner, betrayal occurred also in Cappadocia, where a strange and unexpected thing took place. Artabazus,308 the King's general, had invaded Cappadocia with a large army, and Datames,309 the satrap of the country, had taken the field against him, for he had collected many horsemen and had twenty thousand mercenary foot-soldiers serving with him. [3] But the father-in-law of Datames, who commanded the cavalry, wishing to acquire favour and at the same time having an eye to his own safety, deserted at night and rode off with the cavalry to the enemy, having the day before made arrangements with Artabazus for the betrayal. [4] Datames then summoned his mercenaries, promised them largess, and launched an attack upon the deserters. Finding them on the point of joining forces with the enemy and himself attacking at the same time Artabazus' guard and the horsemen, he slew all who came to close quarters. [5] Artabazus, at first unaware of the truth and suspecting that the man who had deserted Datames was effecting a counter-betrayal, ordered his own men to slay all the horsemen who approached. And Mithrobarzanes,310 caught between the two parties—one group seeking revenge against him as a traitor; the other trying to punish him for counter-betrayal—was in a predicament, but since the situation allowed no time to deliberate, he had recourse to force, and fighting against both parties caused grievous slaughter. When, finally, more than ten thousand had been slain, Datames, having put the rest of Mithrobarzanes' men to flight and slain many of them, recalled with the trumpet his soldiers who had gone in pursuit. [6] Amongst the survivors in the cavalry some went back to Datames and asked for pardon; the rest did nothing, having nowhere to turn, and finally, being about five hundred in number, were surrounded and shot down by Datames. [7] As for Datames, though even before this he was admired for his generalship, at that time he won far greater acclaim for both his courage and his sagacity in the art of war; but King Artaxerxes, when he learned about Datames' exploit as general, because he was impatient to be rid of him, instigated his assassination.311
While these things were going on, Rheomithres,312 who had been sent by the insurgents to King Tachos in Egypt, received from him five hundred talents of silver and fifty warships, and sailed to Asia to the city named Leucae.313 To this city he summoned many leaders of the insurgents. These he arrested and sent in irons to Artaxerxes, and, though he himself had been an insurgent, by the favours that he conferred through his betrayal, he made his peace with the King. [2] In Egypt King Tachos, having completed his preparations for the war, now had two hundred triremes expensively adorned, ten thousand chosen mercenaries from Greece, and besides these eighty thousand Egyptian infantry. He gave the command of the mercenaries to the Spartan Agesilaus,314 who had been dispatched by the Lacedaemonians with a thousand hoplites to fight as an ally, being a man capable of leading troops and highly regarded for his courage and for his shrewdness in the art of war. [3] The command of the naval contingent he entrusted to Chabrias315 the Athenian, who had not been sent officially by his country, but had been privately prevailed upon by the king to join the expedition. The king himself, having command of the Egyptians and being general of the whole army, gave no heed to the advice of Agesilaus to remain in Egypt and conduct the war through the agency of his generals, though the advice was sound. In fact when the armament had gone far afield and was encamped near Phoenicia, the general left in charge of Egypt revolted from the king, and having thereupon sent word to his son Nectanebos prevailed upon him to take the kingship in Egypt, and thereby kindled a great war. [4] For Nectanebos, who had been appointed by the king commander of the soldiers from Egypt and had been sent from Phoenicia to besiege the cities in Syria, after approving of his father's designs, solicited the officers with bribes and the common soldiers with promises, and so prevailed upon them to be his accomplices. [5] At last Egypt was seized by the insurgents, and Tachos, panic-stricken, made bold to go up to the King by way of Arabia and beg forgiveness for his past errors. Artaxerxes not only cleared him of the charges against him but even appointed him general in the war against Egypt.
Shortly after, the King of Persia died, having ruled forty-three years, and Ochus, who now assumed a new name, Artaxerxes, succeeded to the kingdom and ruled twenty-three years;—for since the first Artaxerxes had ruled well and had shown himself altogether peace-loving and fortunate, the Persians changed the names of those who ruled after him and prescribed that they should bear that name.316 [2] When King Tachos had returned to the army of Agesilaus,317 Nectanebos, who had collected more than a hundred thousand men, came against Tachos and challenged him to fight a battle for the kingship. Now Agesilaus, observing that the king was terrified and lacked the courage to risk a battle, bade him take heart. “For,” said he, “it is not those who have the advantage of numbers who win the victory, but those who excel in valour.” But since the king paid no heed to Agesilaus, he was obliged to withdraw with him to a large city. [3] The Egyptians at first started to assault them once they were shut in it, but when they had lost many men in their attacks on the walls, they then began to surround the city with a wall and a ditch. As the work was rapidly nearing completion by reason of the large number of workers, and the provisions in the city were exhausted, Tachos despaired of his safety, but Agesilaus, encouraging the men and attacking the enemy by night, unexpectedly succeeded in bringing all the men out safely. [4] And since the Egyptians had pursued close on their heels and the district was now flat, the Egyptians supposed that they had the enemy surrounded by superior numbers, and would utterly destroy them, but Agesilaus seized a position which had on each side a canal fed by the river and thus halted the enemy's attack. [5] Then having drawn up his force in conformity with the terrain and protected his army by the river channels, he joined battle. The superior numbers of the Egyptians had become useless, and the Greeks, who surpassed them in courage, slew many Egyptians and forced the rest to flee. [6] Afterwards Tachos easily recovered the Egyptian kingship,318 and Agesilaus, as the one who single-handed had restored his kingdom, was honoured with appropriate gifts. On his journey back to his native land by way of Cyrene Agesilaus died, and his body packed in honey319 was conveyed to Sparta where he received kingly burial and honour.
So far did events in Asia progress to the end of the year.
In the Peloponnese, though the Arcadians had agreed on a general peace after the battle of Mantineia, they adhered to their covenant only a year before they renewed the war. In the covenant it was written that each should return to his respective native country after the battle, but there had come into the city of Megalopolis320 the inhabitants of neighbouring cities who had been moved to new homes and were finding transplantation from their own homes difficult to bear. Consequently when they had returned to the cities which had formerly been theirs, the Megalopolitans tried to compel them to abandon their homelands. [2] And when for this reason a quarrel arose, the townsfolk asked the Mantineians and certain other Arcadians to help them, and also the Eleians and the other peoples that were members of the alliance with the Mantineians, whereas the Megalopolitans besought the Thebans to fight with them as allies. The Thebans speedily dispatched to them three thousand hoplites and three hundred cavalry with Pammenes as their commander. [3] He came to Megalopolis, and by sacking some of the towns and terrifying others he compelled their inhabitants to change their abode to Megalopolis. So the problem of the amalgamation of the cities, after it had reached such a state of turmoil. was reduced to such calm as was possible. [4]
Of the historians, Athanas321 of Syracuse wrote thirteen books beginning with the events attending and following Dion's expedition, but he prefixed, in one book, an account of the period of seven years not recorded in the treatise of Philistus and by recording these events in summary fashion made of the history a continuous narrative. 322
When Nicophemus was archon at Athens, the consular office at Rome was assumed by Gaius Sulpicius and Gaius Licinius. During their term of office Alexander, tyrant of Pherae, sent pirate ships against the Cyclades,323 stormed some and took many captives, then disembarking mercenaries on Peparethos324 put the city under siege. [2] And when the Athenians came to the assistance of the Peparethians and left Leosthenes in command of the mission, Alexander attacked the Athenians. Actually they were blockading such of Alexander's soldiers as were stationed in Panormus. And since the tyrant's men attacked unexpectedly, Alexander won a surprising success. For he not only rescued the detachment at Panormus from the greatest danger, but he also captured five Attic triremes and one Peparethian, and took six hundred captives. [3] The Athenians, enraged, condemned Leosthenes to death as a traitor and confiscated his property, then choosing Chares325 as general in command and giving him a fleet, they sent him out. But he spent his time avoiding the enemy and injuring the allies. For he sailed to Corcyra, an allied city, and stirred up such violent civil strife in it that many murders and seizures took place, with the result that the Athenian democracy was discredited in the eyes of the allies. So it turned out that Chares, who did many other such lawless acts, accomplished nothing good but brought his country into discredit. [4]
The historians Dionysodorus and Anaxis,326 Boeotians, closed their narrative of Greek history with this year. But we, now that we have narrated the events before the time of King Philip, bring this book to a close here in accordance with the plan stated at the beginning.327 In the following book which begins with Philip's accession to the throne, we shall record all the achievements of this king to his death, including in its compass those other events as well which have occurred in the known portions of the world.
1 The book covers the years 386-361 B.C.
2 386 B.C.
3 The proper spelling is Hacori.
4 Referring to the Peace of Antalcidas (Book 14.110.3).
5 Of Cythera.
6 The saying is also attributed to Aesop 9.28.
7 Cp. Book 14.109.
8 As a matter of fact Dionysius won the prize at the Lenaea with a play, the Ransom of Hector.
9 385 B.C.
10 The oracle at Delphi.
11 The war ended in 380 B.C.
12 The Peace of Antalcidas (Book 14.110.3).
13 Therefore he could not have inquired of the oracle about a revolt, which, if successful, would necessarily have involved the death of the King.
14 Herodotus (Hdt. 8.85) states that certain Persians who had especially distinguished themselves were recorded among “the king's benefactors,” being called in Persian orosangae.
15 The Greek reads “the Ionian passage-way, as it is called,” since, being the lower part of the Adriatic Sea, it was the direct route between Greece and Italy.
16 There is a lacuna here that must be of some length, since the following statements apply, not to Lissus, but to Syracuse.
17 This flowed into the Great Harbour of Syracuse.
18 384 B.C.
19 Some fifteen miles up the coast from Ostia. The temple was that of Eileithyia, the goddess of child-birth (Strabo 5.2.8).
20 383 B.C.
21 Magon was obviously one of the two annually elected suffetes, who corresponded roughly to the Roman consuls. Diodorus must have known that the Carthaginians had no “kings”; but probably avoided for his readers the use of the unfamiliar term.
22 The location is unknown.
23 Modern Palermo.
24 Cp. chap. 9.3-4.
25 The Anticipation.
26 382/1 B.C.
27 Only four mentioned by name—a frequent inconsistency.
28 Sparta had been successful in stripping Thebes of much of her strength in Boeotia by dissolving the Boeotian League at the time of the King's Peace. Thebes was beginning to assert her strength again by withholding the help due Sparta in her action against Olynthus (see Xen. Hell. 5.2.27).
29 Diodorus alone speaks of these secret instructions which have no existence in Xenophon's fuller account. In fact Xenophon expressly says (Xen. Hell. 5.2.32) ὅτι οὐ προσταχθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς πόλεως ταῦτα ἐπεπράχει. But then we must remember Xenophon's pro-Spartan bias. Plut. Agesilaus 23-24 virtually admits the complicity of Agesilaus, and Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, 5.298, accepts the notion of a secret commission, as does Laistner, The Greek World from 479 to 323 B.C., p. 190.
30 See Xen. Hell. 5.2.25-31.
31 The reaction of the Greek world and the punishment of Phoebidas are recounted in Isoc. 4.126; Xen. Hell. 5.4.1; Plut. Pelopidas 6 and Plut. De Genio Socratis 576a; Nepos Pelopidas 1; and Polybius 4.27.4.
32 This was Amyntas III, king of Macedonia 393-369. Through the opposition of a pretender Argaeus and the Illyrians, Amyntas had been confined to a small portion of his realm. By the aid of the Thessalians he had succeeded in ousting Argaeus. Amyntas now looked for help from Sparta to recover the lost portion of his kingdom. (See Xen. Hell. 5.2.11-19 and chap. 19).
33 According to Xen. Hell. 5.2.24, Eudamidas was sent against the Olynthians before the occupation of the Cadmeia.
34 See Xen. Hell. 5.2.37-3.6.
35 381/0 B.C.
36 See Xen. Hell. 5.3.8, 9.
37 380/79 B.C.
38 See Xen. Hell. 5.3.18-20.
39 Cp. below, chap. 55.5.
40 See Xen. Hell. 5.3.26.
41 See Xen. Hell. 5.3.27.
42 The sending of κληροῦχοι or settlers from Athens to the territory of her subjects to serve as garrison and owners of the soil was one of the grievances against Athens in the eyes of her subjects during her fifth-century empire.
43 This must refer to the “perioeci,” free inhabitants of Laconia, not Spartans, and to the Helots, Spartan serfs, who tilled the land for their masters. The population of true Spartiatae was constantly on the wane owing to the accumulation of land in a few hands and the resulting inability of ever greater numbers of citizens to contribute their share of products from the soil to the general mess or syssitia. Those who failed to make their contributions were degraded, i.e. became “hypomeiones,” though they still served as soldiers.
44 See Isoc. 4.126, Isoc. 8.99, Isoc. 6.63.
45 379/8 B.C.
46 The city of Hipponium on the west coast of Bruttium in Italy had been captured by Dionysius, its citizens transferred to Syracuse, and its land to the Locrians (see Book 14.107.2). Apparently the Carthaginians were trying to cultivate the exiles as allies in Italy against Dionysius.
47 378/7
48 Fuller accounts are found in Xen. Hell. 5.4.2-12; Nepos Pelopidas 3; Plut. Pelopidas 7-12 and Plut. De Genio Socratis 596. Criticism of these accounts in von Stern, Gesch. d. spartan. u. theban. Hegemonie, 44 ff. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.234, gives the date as December 379.
49 The Thirty Tyrants, established after the fall of Athens, 404, by Lysander of Sparta, were headed by Critias and Theramenes, the latter judicially murdered by Critias. Exiles of the democratic regime received help from Thebes to overthrow this tyranny.
50 Only Deinarchus (Din. Dem. 39) mentions a vote of the Athenians. Most modern historians (Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.146, Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, 5.924, notes, and Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.67) accept the account in Xen. Hell. 5.4.19, which insists on the private nature of the assistance afforded Thebes by Athens and the punishment by the people of the two generals who were rash enough to give that assistance, one of whom was executed and the other exiled. Glotz in his Hist. gr., though generally inclined to give more weight to Diodorus, here speaks of “volontaires athéniens.” In the same vein von Stern, Gesch. d. spartan. u. theban. Hegemonie, 44 ff. Xenophons Hellenika und die boiotische Geschichtsüberlieferung. For the contrary view see E. Fabricius, “Die Befreiung Thebens” in Rheinisches Museum 48 (1893), 448 ff., and W. Judeich, “Athen und Theben vom Königsfrieden bis zur Schlacht bei Leuktra” in Rheinisches Museum 76 (1927), 171 ff. Cp. also A. O. Prickard, The Return of the Theban Exiles (379/8 B.C.)
51 Cp. Xen. Hell. 5.4.13-18, Plut. Pelopidas 13.
52 The Romans were scarcely interested in Sardinia before the first Punic War. Hence Satricum, a city of Latium, may be the correct reading. Cp. Livy 6.16.6.
53 377/6 B.C.
54 This is the formation of the second Athenian maritime confederacy which aimed at the overthrow of Spartan supremacy in Greece. The accounts here and in Xen. Hell. 5.4.34-6.3, are the essential literary texts. Important inscriptional evidence exists, IG, 2（2）.43, also 40-42, 44, 45, 82, 95-101. The formation of the confederacy should probably be placed after Sphodrias' attempt to surprise the Peiraeus (see chap. 29.6 and Ed. Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, 5.384).
55 This war between the Persians and the Egyptians (cp. Isoc. 4.140 f.; Dem. 20.76; Nepos Chabrias 2.1) belongs to an earlier period (according to Hall, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.145 f., to the years 385-383). Nectanebos became king of Egypt in succession to Acoris by 378 (ibid. 148). Olmstead, A. T., History of the Persian Empire, p. 399, gives 385-383 as dates of the war.
56 This must have been c. 386-384 when Chabrias was in charge of the Athenian army which was recalled from Cyprus (Hall, l.c. 146). Chabrias went shortly afterward to Egypt. Hall l.c. 148), on the other hand, says that he went to Egypt in 377 and was soon recalled. See sect. 4, first note. Hall on the dates for Chabrias is at variance with other historians and Greek evidence. A good discussion of dates is found in Parke, Greek Mercenary Soldiers, 59-62. See recent treatment in Olmstead, op. cit. pp. 397 ff. Complete data in Kirchner, Pros. Att. no. 15086.
57 The recall of Chabrias probably occurred in the winter 380/79, since in the next winter he held the Athenian frontier against Cleombrotus (Xen. Hell. 5.4.14) and in the early summer 378 helped defend Thebes against Agesilaus. He was probably elected general in the spring of 379 (see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.229-230). Chabrias was of good family, lived on a generous scale, kept a racing stable, and was an able condottiere.
58 Iphicrates was probably sent out to Persia (see Nepos Iphicrates 2.4) about the time Chabrias was elected general. Since the Corinthian War Iphicrates had been in Thrace, restored to King Cotys his rule over the Odrysians, and married Cotys' daughter. He returned from Persian service to Athens in 373. He was a self-made man, great organizer and master of light-armed tactics, one of the most able of the condottieri (see chap. 44 and Nepos, Iphicrates).
59 Cp. Book 14.110.4.
60 Other accounts are Xen. Hell. 5.4.20-21 and Plut. Pelopidas 14 and Plut. Agesilaus 24. Diodorus here as in the case of Phoebidas is suspicious of Spartan policy, while Xenophon and Plutarch both speak of Thebes as the instigator of the raid in order to embroil Athens and Sparta. Again Diodorus seems right in suspecting Sparta (cp. “leitende Kreise in Sparta” in Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.147 and Judeich, op. cit. 178). The inroad of Sphodrias (in Diodorus Sphodriades) was made (cp. Pearl Harbor) at the very time when three Spartan ambassadors were in Athens to negotiate. Their promises that Sparta would punish Sphodrias did much to assuage the anger of the Athenians at the moment.
61 Diodorus recounts the whole war from the raid of Sphodrias to the battle of Naxos under the year 377/6. The raid of Sphodrias probably took place in the spring of 378 when Cleombrotus was operating in Boeotia after the liberation of Thebes (December 379).
62 See for the influence of Cleombrotus and Archidamus, son of Agesilaus, in rescuing Sphodrias, Xen. Hell. 5.4.22-33; Plut. Agesilaus 25.
63 Cp. Xen. Hell. 5.4.34; Plut. Pelopidas 15.
64 Conon's son Timotheus was successful as general and as statesman from this time on till his death in 354.
65 Callistratus of Aphidna, though one of the opponents of the King's Peace (see Book 14.110.2-3), had come to see that Athens had no other choice. One of the most brilliant orators of this period, he was a keen politician and a skilful finance administrator.
66 Cp. Xen. Hell. 5.4.34, Plut. Pelopidas 15. For the League see chap. 28.4.
67 See chap. 23.4.
68 Thousands of Athenian citizens lost their last hope of recovering the land outside Attica which they or their fathers had lost in the catastrophe of 404. These hopes were still alive in the Corinthian War.
69 In the list of cities, IG, 2（2）. 1.43, Hestiaea appears as having joined later than the other cities of Euboea. For the treatment of Hestiaea under Pericles see Book 12.7.
70 Hestiaea, more often written Histiaea, a city on the north coast of Euboea, had a deme named Oreus (Theopom. in Strabo 10.1.3), situated to the west a few miles, which in Pericles' time received two thousand cleruchs and was officially known as Histiaea. The names became confused in antiquity. (See Richard Kiepert, p. 6 of text to Map XIV, Formae O.A.).
71 According to Plut. De Gloria Atheniensium 8, Timotheus, not Chabrias, freed Euboea.
72 For other members of the league see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.108 and note 1.
73 On the Argolid peninsula, inhabited by people of Epidaurus, Methone, and Troezen.
74 This reckoning (see Xen. Hell. 5.2.21 and Xen. Hell. 6.2.16) gives a commutation rate payable by a state that does not send its normal contingent to the league force. Three Aeginetan obols (or 4 1/2 Athenian) per day was the rate for one hoplite.
75 See Book 14.79-80, 83.
76 A people who lived on the mountainous northern frontier of Laconia. This special corps, considered apparently the cream of the army, formed the vanguard of an advance and the rearguard of a retreat. Thought by some to be lightarmed, though this is doubted by Kromayer-Veith on the strength of this and other passages (p. 39, Heerwesen und Kriegsführung der Griechen und Römer, Munich, 1928). (See Thuc. 5.67.1).
77 For the campaign of this year (actually 378) see Xen. Hell. 5.4.35-41, Xen. Ages. 26.
78 For the role of Chabrias see Polyaenus 2.1.2;Nepos Chabrias 1; Dem. 20.76.
79 362 B.C., though the battle of Leuctra, 371, established the supremacy of Thebes.
80 As described in chap. 32.5. For the statues see Nepos Chabrias 1.
81 The camp site of Agesilaus, chap. 32.2.
82 See Xen. Hell. 5.4.42-46; Plut. Pelopidas 15; Polyaenus 2.5.2.
83 This is the campaign of a new year (this time 377), the account of which is found in Xen. Hell. 5.4.47-55; Plut. Agesilaus 26.3 f.
84 The battle of Naxos took place in Sept. 376. For other accounts see Xen. Hell. 5.4.60-61; Plut. Phocion 6 (for date); Polyaenus 3.11.2 (also gives date).
85 406 B.C. One of the Athenian causes célèbres (see Book 13.99, 101).
86 At variance with Dem 20.78: μόνος τῶν πάντων στρατηγῶν οὐ πόλιν, οὐ φρούριον, οὐ ναῦν, οὐ στρατιώτην ἀπώλεσεν (sc. Χαβρίας᾿ οὐδέν᾽ ἡγούμενος ὑμῶν.
87 394 B.C. Conon, the Athenian admiral, had a Persian fleet in this naval victory which threatened Sparta's supremacy (see Book 14.83).
88 See Livy 6.20.
89 376/5 B.C.
90 See Aeneas Tacticus 15.8-10.
91 Demosthenes, Nepos, and Diodorus himself (Book 16.7.3) state that Chabrias died eighteen years later at Chios.
92 Xen. Hell. 5.4.62-66 gives a fuller account of Timotheus' activities. See also Isoc. 15.109; Nepos Timotheus 2.1; Polyaenus 3.10.4-17 (passim); Frontinus Strat. 2.5.47. The year is 375.
93 Properly in the year 375/4 (Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.155). See Plut. Pelopidas 16 f.
94 One fragment of the Sicilian history of Hermeias remains (Athenaeus 10.438c; also FHG, 2.80.1). The history seems to have dealt mainly with the Elder Dionysius with perhaps a brief introduction on earlier Sicilian affairs. (See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.42-43).
95 375/4 B.C.
96 This peace seems to have been concluded though it did not last long. Ascribed by Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.156 to the year 375/4 (see also Judeich, “Athen und Theben,” Rheinisches Museum 76 (1927), 181 and his ascription in note 2 of Cephisodotus' statue of Eirene to this occasion). Cp. Xen. Hell. 6.2.1; Isoc. 15.109 f., Isoc. 14.10; Nepos Timotheus 2; Philochorus in Didymus de Demosthene 7.64 ff.
97 Beloch (l.c. note 1) thinks that Diodorus has confused this peace with the peace concluded three years later before Leuctra from which Epameinondas withdrew. Judeich (op. cit. pp. 182-183) accepts Diodorus' account of this peace of 374 and believes that Epameinondas may well have addressed the league synhedrion at Athens, to which he thinks Diodorus refers. In any case Thebes remained in the Athenian confederacy, as is shown in Isoc. 14.21; Dem. 49.14, 21, 40 ff. If Diodorus means by synhedrion an assembly of the members of the second Athenian confederacy, as Judeich seems to think, and not a general peace conference, the question arises how it happens that Callistratus addresses the assembly in which Athens by the terms of the league has no voice. Possibly we are to interpret the κοινόν as a joint meeting of the league assembly and the Athenians. But Diodorus, chap. 28.3, uses the term κοινὸν συνέδριον of the common council of the league which seems to mean the council of the allies. Callistratus may have spoken in the Athenian assembly only, while Epameinondas addressed the allies in their council.
98 The ethnic league of the Boeotians was reorganized under Thebes in 394 B.C. but was under an eclipse from 387 to this time. In 371, the Theban envoys claim the right of Thebes (cp. chap. 50.4; Xen. Hell. 6.3.19) to sign for the rest of Boeotia as Sparta did for Laconia. Thebes, like Prussia in the German Bund, held the predominance by being able to command the majority of the votes.
99 Though Diodorus has Gorgias in two places, all other writers mentioning the Theban general of this period give only Gorgidas (see P.-W. Realencyclopädie, s.v. “Gorgidas”).
100 See his life by Nepos, and Plut. Pelopidas 3-4.
101 His Pythagorean instructor was Lysis of Tarentum (Nepos Epameinondas 2.2).
102 At Leuctra, see chaps. 53 ff.
103 See chap. 88.
104 See chap. 38.2.
105 “Good” is used in the political sense: “conservative,” though doubtless Diodorus thought they were really good.
106 Phialeia, in the south-western corner of Arcadia. The more ancient name was Phigaleia, which later came back into use.
107 Heraea, an Arcadian town, near the frontier of Elis, on the road from Arcadia to Olympia.
108 Beloch (Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.174, notes 2, 4) would assign these instances of party strife to the period after Leuctra. Glotz (3.151, note 22) likewise. See Isoc. 6.64-69.
109 374/3 B.C.
110 Other accounts: Nepos Iphicrates 2.4; Trogus Prologue to 10; Plut. Artaxerxes 24; Polyaenus 3.9.38, 56, 59.
111 See chap. 29.3-4 for Artaxerxes' request for the services of Iphicrates.
112 Later St. Jean d'Acre, or simply Acre.
113 12,000 in Nepos, l.c.
114 Spring 373 just before Nile flood (chap. 43.4). In the autumn Iphicrates was again in Athens where he was elected general (chap. 43.5-6).
115 See Book 1.33.5 ff.
116 See Book 1.50.3 ff.
117 See Book 1.39.
118 When Antalcidas, the Spartan, went to Tiribazus, satrap of Ionia, in 392, to enlist the aid of Persia against the growing power of Athens, Tiribazus arrested Conon (Xen. Hell. 4.8.16; Book 14.85), who was acting with the confidence of Pharnabazus. According to one authority Conon was put to death by the Persians in prison, according to another he took refuge with Evagoras in Cyprus, where he died of sickness.
119 Consult H. W. Parke, Greek Mercenary Soldiers, 79 ff., who quotes this passage and upholds Diodorus in that “he regards the peltast's equipment as a modification introduced into hoplite troops.” See also Nepos Iphicrates 1.3-4.
120 See chap. 38.1.
121 The sense seems to be: “Restored by the Lacedaemonians, these exiles banished their enemies in their turn”.
122 Arcadia may have been the name of the fortress and Nellus, IG（2）, 43.133-134, the name of the mountain on which it was constructed (see Dittenberger （3）, 1.147, note 48).
123 See account in Xen. Hell. 6.2.2-3. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.156, places the attack after the formation of the peace in the late autumn of 375. Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.77, gives 374.
124 They even went so far as to make the Zacynthian democrats members of the league (Cambridge Ancient History, ibid.). See inscription list, IG（2）, 43.131 ff., where the Zacynthians appear as the last addition to the list. Dittenberger （3）, 1.147, note 42, gives the date 374.
125 He must have been Spartan nauarch for 375/4 according to Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 2.2.281.
126 As to the Lacedaemonian aggression see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.77 and Xen. Hell. 6.2.4. Note the intervention of Dionysius in chap. 47.7.
127 Annual officials, eleven in number, of the Boeotian League. For reduction to seven see note on p. 91.
128 See also Xen. Hell. 6.3.1, 5; Isoc. 14; Paus 9.1.8, sets the fall of Plataeae in 373/2 when Asteius was archon.
129 See chap. 51.3 and Xen. Hell. 6.3.1. Paus. 9.14 seems to place the destruction of Thespiae after the battle of Leuctra.
130 A privilege rarely accorded by the Athenians in these days. The democrats of Samos had been accorded this privilege near the close of the Peloponnesian War. The Plataeans had been granted citizenship in the same war and Meyer (Geschichte des Altertums, 5.399) contends that this still held. This grant of ἰσοπολιτεία seems not to have been of the Hellenistic type (W. S. Ferguson, Greek Imperialism, 31), by which the citizen of one state enjoyed certain privileges (cp. civitas sine suffragio) in another state during residence there.
131 Late summer 373 (Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.158). See Xen. Hell. 6.2.3-15.
132 Timotheus was not reinstated though he was acquitted in this cause célèbre. See Xen. Hell. 6.2.13; Nepos Timotheus 4; Dem. 49.9 f., 22.
133 See chap. 46.3 and Xen. Hell. 6.2.10.
134 See Xen. Hell. 6.2.16-26. The year is 372.
135 Timotheus is wrongly included. See Cambridge Ancient History, 6.77.
136 Perhaps the occasion mentioned in Book 16.57.3. Dionysius also sent presents for Delphi (cp. IG, 2（2）. 103.9) which was burned (Dittenberger （3）, 295) in 373.
137 See also Xen. Hell. 6.2.27-39 and Polyaenus 3.9.55.
138 Theopompus (fr. 111) says that Evagoras and his son Pnytagoras were murdered by a eunuch Thrasydaeus. Nicocles, the son and successor of Evagoras, probably had no hand in the murder. See also Aristot. Pol. 1311b; Isoc. 2, Isoc. 3 and Isoc. 9.72. Diodorus has abbreviated his source overmuch and made Nicocles the eunuch.
139 See Livy 6.27.9 ff.
140 373/2 B.C.
141 See Strabo 1.3.18: “Then there are Bura and Helice; Bura disappeared in a chasm of the earth, and Helice was wiped out by a wave from the sea” (H. L. Jones, L.C.L.). These cities are in Achaia, Helice east of Aegium on the Corinthian Gulf and Bura inland. It is strange that no mention occurs of Delphi if the same earthquake caused the fire of 373 (Marm. Par. 71; Dittenberger （3）, 295; Hommolle, Bull. Corr. Hell. 20 (1896), 677 ff.)
142 See on this subject Book 16.61-64.
143 Herodotus (Hdt. 1.145) has twelve Ionian cities and makes the connection between Achaia and Ionia. Helice and Bura are specially mentioned there as two places of refuge of the Ionians from the Achaeans. Cp. Strabo 14.1.20 for the festival celebrated near Mycale.
144 See chap. 48.3 for earthquake and tidal wave. On the connection of Helice and Bura with the Ionians see Strabo 8.7.2 and 4: “after Bura, Helice, whither the Ionians fled for refuge after they were conquered in battle by the Achaeans, and whence at last they were expelled.”
145 See particularly Paus. 7.24.3-7. Frazer (4.165) gives other references for this story. (For Bura, ibid. 168).
146 When the generation to which Zeus belonged overthrew the older gods the universe was apportioned to Zeus, sky and dry land, to Poseidon, the water, to Dis, the underworld. With his trident Poseidon controlled the waters and by smiting the earth with it produced earthquakes (“Poseidon the earth-shaker”).
147 The first is the river Ladon, a tributary of the Alpheus, flowing past Pheneus, and the second is the Stymphalus. In Frazer's Pausanias (8.20, 22) on pp. 262 and 268 (vol. 4) are found descriptions of these rivers. See also Strabo 8.8.4. Both towns were in Arcadia, the first being represented by Virgil (Vergil Aeneid 8.165) as the home of Evander.
148 One might ask about the guilt of the crews of the ten Spartan ships which chanced to be anchored off Helice and were destroyed by the tidal wave (cp. Aelian De Nat. Animal. 11.19 and Wesseling's note on this passage of Diodorus). For the fate of similar arguments see Voltaire, Candide 5.
149 372/1 B.C.
150 Seneca, Q .N. 7.5: “talem effigiem ignis longi fuisse Callisthenes tradit, antequam Burin et Helicen mare absconderet. Aristoteles ait non trabem illam sed cometen fuisse.” Translation by John Clarke: “Callisthenes puts it on record that a similar appearance of a trail of fire was observed before the sea swallowed up Buris and Helice. Aristotle says it was not a 'beam,' but a comet.” On the basis of this passage of Diodorus and the passage of Seneca it would seem that ὁδός in Aristot. Meteor. 343b 23 (διὸ καὶ ἐκλήθη ὁδός, ed. by F. H. Fobes) should read δοκός (see Wesseling's note). Aristotle dates the occurrence in 373/2 (Aristot. Meteor. 343b 19).
151 For the participation of the King see Dionysius Hal. De Lysia Iudicium 12; Xen. Hell. 6.3.12, 5.1 f.
152 See chap. 38, which in many details is an anticipation of this chapter.
153 See Xen. Hell. 6.3.1-19 and for date Plut. Agesilaus 28.
154 The Boeotian League such as it had been before the Peace of Antalcidas (for its constitution see Oxyr. Pap. 842 [vol. 5], 11.38-12.31) was set up anew, only much more strongly centralized and on a democratic basis. The executive was the college of boeotarchs no longer representative of separate states but elected from all Boeotian citizens and reduced in number from eleven to seven (chap. 52). The deciding power lay with the assembly of the Boeotian folk which met at Thebes but in which every citizen of a Boeotian state had a voice (cp. Book 16.25.1). Unlike Attica, each city had autonomy and the League army was composed of contingents from the separate states.
155 See Xen. Hell. 6.3.19-20; Plut. Agesilaus 28; Nepos Epameinondas 6.4; Paus. 9.13.2.
156 See chap. 39.
157 371/0 B.C.
158 Gaius Erenucius is otherwise unknown. Livy 6.30.2 names six tribunes: Publius and Gaius Manlius, Lucius Julius, Gaius Sextilius, Marcus Albinius, and Lucius Antistius.
159 Cleombrotus was already in Phocis (Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.80). He was sent there in 375/4 (Xen. Hell. 6.1.1, 2.1, 4.2). Beloch (3（2）. 2.236-237) thinks he was sent out afresh in 371.
160 See chap. 46.6.
161 The Thebans had recently been slaves to Sparta, so the proclamation portended their destruction if they were led forth from the city. This translation is based on the assumption that the crier was reporting names and descriptions of slaves who had run away and whom the owners sought to recover, coupled with the warning not to export or conceal them but to arrest them and keep them safe for the owner.
162 See Xen. Hell. 6.4.3-4.
163 See Plut. Pelopidas 20.
164 Near Lebadeia. Trophonius designates an underworld Boeotian Zeus (Chthonius) who gave oracles from this cave. For these stories see Polyaenus 2.3.8.
165 Not known elsewhere; perhaps an error for Cleandridas (son of Gylippus?); see P.-W. Realencyclopädie, s.vv..
166 A slightly different version of this story occurs in Plut. Pelopidas 20.3-4. Paus. 9.13.5-6, is closer to Diodorus.
167 According to Xen. Hell. 6.4.20-26, Jason came after the battle of Leuctra, and there is no mention of an armistice.
168 Archidamus likewise in Xen. Hell. 6.4.18, was dispatched after and not before the battle.
169 See note on chap. 54.6. It has been suggested that Xenophon, who fails to mention Epameinondas at Leuctra and represents Archidamus as being sent out after the battle, was attempting to belittle the part of Epameinondas as victor and to spare his best friend Agesilaus, the father of Archidamus, the disgrace of his son's defeat. There is no evidence for this view.
170 In the account of the battle, Diodorus fails to give any hint of cavalry action (see Xen. Hell. 6.4.10-13) which was co-ordinated with the rapid advance of the Theban corps d'élite. This co-ordination (see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.82), more perhaps than the denseness of the corps and the echelon formation of the Thebans, was a new factor in fighting later developed by Macedon.
171 Diodorus probably is exaggerating. Xen. Hell. 6.4.15 says “almost a thousand.”
172 370/69 B.C.
173 For the allies of the Thebans in 370 see Xen. Hell. 6.5.23; Xen. Ages. 2.24.
174 See Xen. Hell. 6.4.27-28.
175 See also Plut. Praecepta gerendae reip. 814; Isoc. 5.52; Dionysius of Hal. 7.66.5.
176 According to Xen. Hell. 7.1.23, Lycomedes was from Mantineia (also Paus. 8.27.2 and Diodorus himself, chap. 62.2). Lycomedes urged the Arcadians, who at this time entered the services of other states in great numbers as mercenaries, to devote themselves to strengthening their own state.
177 See for the Arcadian League Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.88 f., or better Glotz, Hist. gr. 3.154-156. Also Freeman, History of Federal Government, 154 ff.
178 Arcadian town just west of Tegea, said to have been the home of Evander and origin of the name Palatine (Vergil Aeneid 8.51-54).
179 See Xen. Hell. 6.5.10-18.
180 See chap. 54.5.
181 Jason was made Tagus of the Thessalians, Xen. Hell. 6.1.18. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.237, prefers Diodorus' date 371 to Xenophon's 375/4. For Jason's ambitions see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.83. Jason's death (chap. 5) caused the sudden collapse of unification in Thessaly and opened the door to Theban aggressions.
182 See Book 14.89, 92.3; chap. 19.2 and Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.56-58.
183 See chap. 67.4. The beginning of his reign is placed in the archonship of Phrasicleides 371/0 in the Marm. Par. 72.
184 This should be sixty years ten months. See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 4.2.157.
185 See Xen. Hell. 6.4.31-32.
186 Duris carried his history at least to the death of Lysimachus (FHG, 2.468 and fr. 33).
187 369/8 B.C.
188 According to Xen. Hell. 6.4.33, Polydorus and Polyphron, brothers of Jason, succeeded Jason; Polyphron slew Polydorus and was himself slain by Alexander, son of Polydorus, the next year (Xen. Hell. 6.4.34). For Alexander's death see Book 16.14.1.
189 Xenophon attests the cruel character of his rule (Xen. Hell. 6.4.35 ff.).
190 Supposedly descended from Aleuas, a Heraclid, the Aleuadae formed two branches: the Aleuadae of Larissa and the Scopadae of Crannon. They were the great aristocrats of Thessalian society.
191 See chap. 67.4.
192 “The Orchomenians refused to be members of the Arcadian League on account of their enmity toward the Mantineans” (Xen. Hell. 6.5.11, trans. by Brownson, L.C.L.).
193 These were called eparitoi. See Xen. Hell. 7.4.22, 33, 36; 5.3; and below, chap. 67.2.
194 Xen. Hell. 6.5.14.
195 See Dem. 16.12, 19, and Xen. Hell. 6.5.19. For the policy of Athens in this period see Cloché, La Politique étrangère d' Athènes, 97-99. Cloché thinks Athens had a chance to expand her confederacy at the expense of her former ally Thebes and her former enemy Sparta, but her refusal to help (owing especially to Elis' recalcitrancy) at this time gave Thebes the opportunity to step in.
196 The Thirty were instituted as the governing board at Athens by Lysander after the capture of the city (404 B.C.) following the defeat of Aegospotami. Though Sparta's allies wished to destroy Athens utterly, Sparta herself would not allow such drastic punishment, but did demand the dismantling of the walls, which were torn down by the Athenian populace to the accompaniment of flute music. Though forbidden to rebuild, when, after the victory of Cnidus (394 B.C.), Conon returned to Athens, the people once again built the walls.
197 See Xen. Hell. 6.5.33-49. Diodorus brings in too soon the dispatch of Iphicrates and his army. It belongs to the spring of 369, after the campaign in Laconia.
198 The best account of this invasion is in Xen. Hell. 6.5.22-32. See also Pausanias 9.14; Plut. Pelopidas 24, Plut. Agesilaus 31-32; Polyaenus 2.1.14, 15, 27, 29; Nepos Agesilaus 6; Aelian Var. Hist. 14.27. The invasion of Laconia belongs to the winter 370/69.
199 A rendezvous deep in Laconian territory north of Sparta.
200 South-eastern corner of Arcadia bordering Argolis.
201 A high mountainous district in the north of Laconia on the road leading from Sparta to Tegea.
202 The historic occasion, 480 B.C., when Leonidas sent home all but three hundred Spartans, whom he kept to hold up Xerxes' advance. See Book 11.11.
203 Mountain range immediately above Sparta bordering the Eurotas River.
204 See chap. 63.2. Xenophon places the request for help from Athens after the attack on Sparta (Xen. Hell. 6.5.33-52).
205 See Plut. Pelopidas 24.5, Plut. Agesilaus 34.1; Paus. 4.26-27; Paus. 9.14.5; Isoc. 6.28. Apparently Xenophon, the Spartophile, could not bring himself to mention the refounding of Messene.
206 A brief account of the early history of Messene and Sparta is to be found in Holm, The History of Greece, 1.193-201. See also Wade-Gery, Cambridge Ancient History, 3.537-539, 548, 557-560.
207 Chieftains of Pylos on the coast. Cp. Book 4.68.6; and Pausanias, 4.3.1.
208 The so-called children of Heracles who formed the second wave of Dorian invasion in the Peloponnese (cp. Book 4.57 f).
209 A Heraclid who favoured the early inhabitants of Messene and was slain by the Dorians. He was introduced with his son Aepytus as a hero by Epameinondas according to Paus. 4.27.6. See Strabo 8.4.7.
210 A king of the Agid line. First Messenian War, 743-723 B.C. See Paus. 3.2.6; Paus. 4.4.2, 31.3 and Strabo 6.3.3.
211 From the union of Spartan “maidens” (hence παρθένιαι) with men left behind at Sparta while the bulk of the Spartiatae were fighting in Messene. They settled Tarentum 708 B.C. See Strabo 6.3-4.
212 Messenian hero of the Second Messenian War, 685-668 B.C.
213 Fragments of his marching songs and his poem on good government (Εὐνομία) are collected in Edmunds, Elegy and Iambus, 1.58 ff., L.C.L. See Book 8.27.2. Schmid-Stählin, Gr. Litt.-Gesch. 1.1.358 ff., doubt if a poet came out of Athens or Sparta at this period but think it quite possible that Tyrtaeus came from Miletus (cp. Suidas, Lexicon, s.v. Λάκων ἢ Μιλήσιος) along with other poets that came to Sparta from the more forward regions of Asia Minor and the islands. For other notices of his life see Edmunds, ibid. 50-58.
214 464-455 B.C. See Book 11.63.
215 Situated on a promontory on the north shore of the Gulf of Corinth; an important ally of Athens in the Peloponnesian War.
216 Formerly Zancle, settled by Siculians probably, later colonized by Chalcidians.
217 Three months in Plut .Agesilaus 32.8.
218 Xenophon says (Xen. Hell. 7.1.14) that they each exercised alternate command of sea and land forces for periods of five days. See chap. 38.4.
219 See chap. 62.2.
220 Pellana in the Laconian dialect. Situated on the Eurotas River on the road from Sparta to Arcadia. See Xen. Hell. 7.2.2.
221 See Plut. Pelopidas 26.
222 See chap. 61.4, 5.
223 For a different account concerning Philip see Book 16.2.2. Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.86, disagrees with both passages in Diodorus. See Aeschin. 2.28.
224 An account of this expedition is in Xen. Hell. 7.1.15-22. See also Paus. 9.15.4.
225 According to Isocrates (Isoc. 8.118), Megara remained neutral. It is obvious here that she afforded passage to both parties.
226 Pellene was the easternmost town of Achaia, slightly north-west of Sicyon and Corinth.
227 The line from Cenchreae (on the Saronic Gulf) to Lechaeum (on the Corinthian Gulf) crossed the neck of the isthmus close to the Peloponnese and just included the city of Corinth. Mentioned in Book 11.16.3.
228 Fighting for Sicyon is indicated in Polyaenus 5.16.3 and Pausanias 6.3.3. That the Boeotians obtained it is stated in Xen. Hell. 7.2.11, 3.2, 4.
229 According to Xen. Hell. 7.2.5-9, Phlius remained true to Sparta.
230 For the performance of these Celts and Iberians see Xen. Hell. 7.1.20-22.
231 See Xen. Hell. 7.1.27. This peace move is dated in the spring of 368 (Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.93).
232 This is told in Xen. Hell. 7.1.44-46 under the year 367. Diodorus is probably wrong as to the year (cp. Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.243).
233 368/7 B.C.
234 Ptolemy of Alorus was the husband of Eurynoe, daughter of Amyntas III and Eurydice (Justin 7.4.5, 7), hence the use of τὸν ἀδελφόν. He may well have been the son of an Amyntas since the name was common in Macedonia. After Alexander's death he took the regency for Perdiccas (Aeschin. 2.29) and married the Queen dowager Eurydice (sch. ibid.; Justin 7.4.7). If he was king, no coins were issued in his name. (See Beloch （2）, 3.2.67.) See also Plut. Pelopidas 27; Marsyas in Athenaeus Deip. 14.629d.
235 For this venture see Plut Pelopidas 27 ff.; Paus. 9.15.1-2: Nepos Pelopidas 5.
236 For the alliance see Plut. Pelopidas 31.4, Plut. Apophthegmata Epaminondou 17 (193); Dem. 23.120; IG, 2（2）. 1.116.39 f.
237 For the “tearless battle” see Xen. Hell. 7.1.28-32 and Plut. Agesilaus 33.3 ff.
238 Ancient oracle of Zeus in Epeirus.
239 Paus. 8.27.3-4 names forty villages. Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.91-92, accepts Diodorus' figure but not his date. For the date of founding Paus. 8.27.8 gives 371/0; the Parian Marble 370/69 or 369/8, while Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.1.187, accepts Diodorus.
240 Districts of southern Arcadia. In Maenalia was situated the new foundation, Megalopolis.
241 For previous Sicilian passages see chaps. 6-7, 13, 14, 15-17, 24 (plague and revolt). For a discussion of this Third Carthaginian War see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 2.2.375 and Bury, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.131.
242 Selinus is on the south coast of Sicily near the west end, Entella is inland from it, while Eryx is in the extreme northwest corner, the modern harbour of which is Trapani, and Lilybaeum is to the south on the coast.
243 The “Wine Press Festival” of January or February at which both comedies and tragedies were presented. By unanimous consent (see Niese, P.-W. Realencyclopädie, 5.901 top for references) the poetry of Dionysius was wretched and boring, but he never ceased to aspire. For one humiliating experience see Book 14.109. See also Book 15.6. The name of the play presented on this occasion was the Ransom of Hector (Nauck, Trag. gr. fr. （2）, 794).
244 It is to be noted that Athens was now, through Sparta, an ally of Dionysius I. (Xen. Hell. 7.1.28-29.) Athens honoured Dionysius and his sons with public praises and crowns in 369/8. See Hicks and Hill, Greek Historical Inscriptions （3）, 108. For the formal alliance see ibid. 112. See also Bury, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.134 and 132.
245 Though Diodorus has just said above that Dionysius was producing at Athens (sect. 1), he seems by his repetition to wish to stress the fact that the judgement was rendered by the most critical and authoritative city of the time.
246 367/6 B.C.
247 A Thessalian town between Pherae and Pharsalus. For this blood-bath see Plut. Pelopidas 29.4, 31.1 and Paus. 6.5.2 f. (date given as 371/0, perhaps as a result of missing an Olympiad).
248 See Xen. Hell. 7.1.41 f., who places this march after the peace conference (chap. 76.3 below), probably wrongly (Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.94-95).
249 See Plut. Pelopidas 29.2-6. Following this rescue Pelopidas went to Susa as envoy from Thebes.
250 See Xen. Hell. 7.2.18 ff. under year 366.
251 366/5 B.C.
252 See Xen. Hell. 7.4.1; Dem. 18.99; Aeschin. 2.164; Aeschin. 3.85.
253 See Strabo 14.2.19.
254 See Xen. Hell. 7.1.39. For previous embassies from Artaxerxes urging peace see chaps. 38.1, 50.4, 70.2. This congress which met at Thebes seems to have been as unsuccessful as the previous ones.
255 “Paideia” is translated “culture” by Werner Jaeger in his three-volume work of that title (1. xvi). One may well be surprised at a list of names which includes the orator Anaximenes of Lampsacus and omits Demosthenes. The last of the Pythagoreans include Archytas, Timaeus, Xenophilus, Phanton, Echecrates, Diocles, and Polymnastus (Diog. Laert. 8.46, 79).
256 i.e. later than the year 366/5.
257 365/4 B.C.
258 There seems to be no specific reference to this group in Elis, though they probably went into exile at the same time as the groups which chose Sparta and Pallantium (chap. 59.2). Even so Elis and Arcadia are allies in chaps 62.5, 64.6, and 68.1. See Xen. Hell. 7.4.
259 See Xen. Hell. 7.12-27; Polybius 4.74.
260 Margana was a town in Pisatis their claims to which the Eleians renounced to Sparta in a treaty in 400 (Xen. Hell. 3.2.30). Cronium appears to refer to the Hill of Cronos by the Alpheius in Pisatis.
261 Of these Strabo says (Strabo 8.4.1) “Messene comes after Triphylia; and there is a cape which is common to both; and after this cape come Cyparissa and Coryphasium” (L.C.L., translated by H. L. Jones).
262 See chap. 71.1.
263 See chap. 60.3.
264 364/3 B.C.
265 For the struggle over the presidency of the Olympian games see P.-W. Realencyclopädie, 17.2531-2536. Xenophon recounts this strife in Xen. Hell. 7.4.28-35. Pausanias notes the omission of the 104th Olympiad from the record of the Eleians in Paus. 6.4.2, 8.3, 22.3, in the last passage using the term ἀνολυμπιάς. For the relations of Elis and Arcadia see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.97-99.
266 Demosthenes says (Dem. 14.22) that one dockyard accommodated thirty ships. Certainly the dockyards cannot be equal in number, ἴσα τὸν ἀριθμόν, as Diodorus says. Post suggests that Diodorus may be using νεώρια in the sense of νεωσοίκους (slips).
267 The attempt of Epameinondas to wrest naval supremacy from Athens is recounted by Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.105. See Isoc. 5.53 and Plut. Philopoemen 14.1, 2.
268 Diodorus' dating of the destruction of Orchomenus is established by the fact that Isocrates (Isoc. 6.27) does not know of the event. See Paus. 9.15.3; Dem. 20.109; Plut. Comparison of Pelopidas and Marcellus 1.
269 Peoples of prehistoric Greece who from Orchomenus ruled a large area of central Greece.
270 See Plut. Pelopidas 31-35; Nepos Pelopidas 5.
271 See chaps. 71.2, 75.2.
272 According to Plutarch, Pelopidas left his army because of the eclipse and took command of the Thessalian League.
273 13 July 364.
274 Probably an exaggeration. The victory was not so important, otherwise the Thebans would not have found it necessary to send a large army into Thessaly shortly afterward. For this battle of Cynoscephalae see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.86-87.
275 But Diodorus does not mention Pelopidas in his account (chaps. 25, 26) of retaking the Cadmeia. (For this see Plut. Pelopidas 7-12).
276 A village of Boeotia near Orchomenus. The battle of Tegyra is described by Plut. Pelopidas 16 f. as a “sort of prelude” to that of Leuctra and one of Pelopidas' most glorious exploits.
277 See Plut. Pelopidas 18; 20.2; 23.2, 4, Nepos Pelopidas 4.2.
278 See chaps. 62.4 ff. and notes.
279 See Plut. Pelopidas 30.5; Xen. Hell. 7.1.35-36.
280 See chap. 80 and notes.
281 Confirmed by Plut. Pelopidas 34.5.
282 Clearchus had been a student of Isocrates and Plato. He was exiled from Heracleia a few years previous to 364 and had become a mercenary commander in the service of Persia. Called in by the council of Heracleia to combat the democracy, Clearchus placed himself at the head of the democratic movement, ousted the oligarchs, confiscated their property, freed their slaves, and set up a tyranny along the line of Dionysius of Syracuse. See Justin 16.4-5.
283 On Torone and Potidaea see Isoc. 15.108, 113 f. and Polyaenus 3.10.15.
284 The Theban fleet under Epameinondas had been operating during the summer of 364 in the Sea of Marmora and had caused Byzantium to withdraw from the Athenian confederacy (see chap. 79.1). At the arrival of Timotheus in the region, Epameinondas prudently withdrew and Timotheus recovered Byzantium and relieved the siege of Cyzicus. See Nepos Timotheus 1.3 and Glotz, Hist. gr. 3.170.
285 363/2 B.C.
286 The battle of Mantineia, described under this archonship, occurred in 362 just as the Mantineians were gathering in the harvest (Xen. Hell. 7.5.14), which would normally take place from the middle of June on (Fougères, Mantinée et l'Arcadie orientale, 56, 460).
287 For the use of the treasure see Cary, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.98, and for the gold coins issued in the name of Pisa see op. cit., Volume of Plates, ii. 6. d.
288 Diodorus completely reverses the role of Mantineia in the matter of the use of the treasures of Olympia. Mantineia, according to Xen. Hell. 7.4.33, protested against this and headed the party eager to make peace with Elis. The quarrel over the appropriation of sacred money brought to light the fundamental split in Arcadian politics.
289 See Xen. Hell. 7.4.34, 35.
290 See Xen. Hell. 7.5.3.
291 See Xen. Hell. 7.5.4-17; Polybius 9.8; Plut. Agesilaus 34. Diodorus' account diverges from the other three in that it is Agesilaus who is represented by them as already on the way to Mantineia and forced to return to protect Sparta. Except for the well-known bias of Xenophon for Agesilaus, one could unhesitatingly suspect Diodorus, especially since no Spartan king Agis is known for this date. Cleomenes, brother of Agesipolis and son of Cleombrotus, succeeded the former in 370 and still ruled (see chap. 60.4 and note 2 on p. 119).
292 See chap. 82.4 and Xen. Hell. 7.5.15.
293 The name of the Athenian commander is given as Hegesileos by Ephorus (Diog. Laert. 2.54) and by Xenophon (Xen. Ways 3.7). Hegesileos was uncle of Eubulus and general again in the year 349/8. See Kirchner, Pros. Att. no. 6339: Ἡγήλοχον.
294 Probably from Thessaly, Ἀχαιοὶ Φθιῶται, if present text is retained. See chap. 85.2 for Achaeans of Peloponnesus.
295 The fundamental account of the battle of Mantineia is found in Xen. Hell. 7.5.18-27. For references to maps and special problems see Glotz, Hist. gr. 3.177, note 101.
296 Had Λεῦκτρα not been a neuter plural, the Greek would have permitted the more effective turn of phrase available in English. Cp. Philip of Macedon's daughter, Thessalonike, “Victory in Thessaly.”
297 See chap. 94.1; Plut. Agesilaus 35; Polybius 4.33.8-9.
298 The Hellenica.
299 Anaximenes (c. 380-320 B.C.) was a student under Zoilus and Diogenes and later a teacher. He accompanied Alexander the Great. This work had the title πρῶται ἱστορίαι (Athenaeus 6.231c) or πρώτη Ἑλληνικῶν (Harpocration, s.v. Ἀμφικτύονες). Other works were Φιλιππικά and τὰ περὶ Ἀλέξανδρον. (See Christ-Schmidt （6）, Gr. Litt. 534.) See chap. 76.4.
300 Philistus, besides an earlier work, wrote a History of Sicily from the fall of Acragas (406/5) to the death of the elder Dionysius (367/6) in four books (see Book 13.103.3). This work on Dionysius the Younger was much read down to Cicero's time but has come to us in very few fragments: FHG, 1.185; 4.639 (see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.42).
301 362/1 B.C.
302 This was the Satraps' Revolt. See Tarn, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.20-21; Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 411 ff.
303 For the earlier Persian expedition against Egypt see chaps. 29, 41-43.
304 The difficulties with the identification of Ariobarzanes and Mithridates hinge on the following facts: (1) Ariobarzanes in 407 was subordinate to Pharnabazus, satrap of Dascyleion (Xen. Hell. 1.4.7). (2) Ariobarzanes about 387 succeeded Pharnabazus in the satrapy of Dascyleion when Pharnabazus was summoned to the court to marry the daughter of Artaxerxes (Xen. Hell. 5.1.28); (3) Ariobarzanes refused to give up his throne to Pharnabazus' son, Artabazus (chap. 91.2), by the King's daughter when Artabazus grew up, and so became ringleader of the Satraps' Revolt. (Cp. Nepos Datames 2.5; Trogus Prol. 10; Dem. 15.9; Isoc. 15.111 ff.; Nepos Timotheus 1.2, 3.) (4) Ariobarzanes was betrayed by his son Mithridates, sent up to court and crucified about 362. (See Harpocration; Xen. Cyrop. 8.8.4; Aristot. Pol. 1312a, and Valerius Maximus 9.11, ext. 2.) (5) Ariobarzanes (this passage) succeeded Mithridates in the kingship (sc. of Pontus). (6) Ariobarzanes died (Book 16.90.2) in 337/6 after ruling (sc. in Pontus) for twenty-six years (fits with this passage) and was succeeded by Mithridates. Note that Harpocration alone speaks of the crucifixion of Ariobarzanes. The mention by Aristotle of the attack on Ariobarzanes by Mithridates is tentatively placed in the year 337/6 by Rackham, L.C.L. 450. Since Xenophon mentions the murder in the Education of Cyrus in juxtaposition with Rheomithres and Tachos, it seems probable that the death of Ariobarzanes is to be placed in 362 and not in 337/6 when Xenophon was probably dead and the Education of Cyrus was almost certainly finished. One must therefore agree with Judeich (P.-W. Realencyclopädie, s.v. “Ariobarzanes”) that numbers 1, 2, 3, and 4 refer to the same man, a different Ariobarzanes from numbers 5 and 6. Beloch (Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2. sect. 60) comes to this conclusion and says that Diodorus is here mistaken in stating that Ariobarzanes takes over the throne from Mithridates. If this is Mithridates I of Pontus, he is succeeded by his son Ariobarzanes who is most likely the nephew of the satrap Ariobarzanes in question here. The nephew Ariobarzanes, probably known as Ariobarzanes of Cios (and Arrhine (?), cp. Book 20.111.4), is succeeded by his son Mithridates II. The uncle, the revolting satrap, also had a son Mithridates who betrayed him and caused his death.
305 Mausolus, son of Hecatomnus of Mylasa who became “dynast of Caria” about 390, succeeded his father about 377/6 (see Book 16.36.2) and married his sister Artemisia, who succeeded him (Book 16.36.2; 45.7). At first opposed to Ariobarzanes, he later joined in the revolt against the King. The monument erected to him by his widow is famous as the Mausoleum.
306 Orontes was the son of Artasuras and husband of Rhodogune, daughter of the King (Xen. Anab. 2.4.8; Xen. Anab. 3.4.13; Plut. Artaxerxes 27.4). Though satrap of Armenia in 401 (Xen. Anab. 3.5.17; Xen. Anab. 4.3.4), he had by this time probably lost Armenia (in spite of Trogus, Prol. 10) and was satrap of Mysia only, but hoped, as Diodorus says, to acquire the satrapy of all the coast cities (i.e. satrapy of Sardes) now under control of Autophradates, by his betrayal of the insurrection to the King. Since Autophradates also returned to his allegiance, his aims were frustrated only to be revived in 355. He probably died about 344. (See Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.138-140; and above, chap. 2.2).
307 Autophradates was probably satrap of Sardes in 392, then of the coastal cities only in 388, and later, after the death of Tiribazus, again re-established in Sardes until his death. (See for an account of him Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.135-136).
308 Artabazus was the son of Pharnabazus (90.3, note) and Apame, daughter of Artaxerxes (Plut. Artaxerxes 27.4; Xen. Hell. 5.1.28), born about 387 or later. He married the sister of Memnon and Mentor (Book 16.52.4) about 362. For his history see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3 2.147-149.
309 Datames was the son of Camisares who ruled over part of Cappadocia (see Life by Nepos). He was probably leader of an offensive of the satraps at the time of Tachos invasion of Syria (see Polyaenus 7.21.3). It was probably in the summer of 359 that Artabazus invaded Cappadocia, and at the latest in the following winter that Datames was murdered by Ariobarzanes' son Mithridates (Nepos Datames 10-11; Polyaenus 7.29.1). For a longer account see Beloch, Griechische Geschichte （2）, 3.2.254-257; also Tarn, Cambridge Ancient History, 6.20-21; Olmstead, History of the Persian Empire, 411 ff.
310 This was the name of the traitor. For different versions of this story see Nepos Datames 6; Polyaenus 7.21.7; and Frontinus Strat. 2.7.9.
311 See 91.2, note.
312 Mentioned in Xen. Cyrop. 8.8.4 as leaving his wife and children and the children of his friends as hostage in the power of Tachos. Fought at Granicus and Issus (see Book 17.19.4 and 34.5).
313 On a promontory at the mouth of the Hermus River (see chap. 18.2 and 4).
314 Agesilaus could have come to Egypt only after the battle of Mantineia, accordingly in the autumn of 362 or in the following spring. The campaign was probably in the summer of 361. After the revolt against Tachos, he supported Nectanebos in his struggle against the Mendesian pretender (Plut. Agesilaus 37-38) and in the course of the winter (Xen. Ages. 2.31.1; Plut. Agesilaus 40) left Egypt (end of 361 or beginning of 360). He died on the return journey to Sparta.
315 Chabrias had been general 363/2 (IG, 2（2）. 1.111) and could have come as a private commander in the late summer of 362 at the earliest. For his former service in Egypt see chap. 29.2-4.
316 Since Xerxes II and Darius II intervened between Artaxerxes I (465/4-425/4, see Books 11.69.6 and 12.64.1) and Artaxerxes II (405/4-362/1, see Book 13.108.1), this statement is not quite accurate. The name Artaxerxes seems not to have been used for Arses and Darius III.
317 Diodorus's account of Agesilaus in Egypt differs considerably from the other accounts: Xen. Ages. 2.28-31; Plut. Agesilaus 36-40; and Nepos Agesilaus 8. Plutarch appears to be the most reliable. In particular Agesilaus is elsewhere reported to have changed allegiance from Tachos to Nectanebos. According to Olmstead (History of the Persian Empire, 417, 419-420) Agesilaus served in Egypt from 360 to 358.
318 Contrary to Plut. Agesilaus 38.1 and 40.1, who seems more reliable. Tachos fled, Agesilaus established Nectanebos and left with gifts from the latter.
319 Contrary to Plut. Agesilaus 40.3: “. . . enclosed his dead body in melted wax, since they had no honey . . .” (Perrin, L.C.L.). Nepos Agesilaus 8.7 agrees with Plutarch.
320 For the founding of Megalopolis see chap. 72.4.
321 Athanas (Athanis in Plutarch and Athenaeus 3.98d, who entitles his history Σικελικά) seems to have played an outstanding political role in Syracuse during Dion's time (Theopompus, fr. 212 M or 184 Oxford). The first book of his work handled the last seven years of the younger Dionysius from 363, where Philistus ended (see chap. 89.3), to Dion's return in 357. Then the presentation was more detailed and developed in twelve books to the death of Timoleon (FHG, 2.82.3). His influence is seen in Plut. Timoleon 23.4, 37.6. See Christ-Schmidt （6）, Gr. Litt. 526.
322 361/0 B.C.
323 See Dem. 50.4-5; Polyaenus 6.2.
324 An island off Thessaly, north of Scyros. Perhaps Panormus is its harbour town.
325 For Chares and Corcyra see Aeneas Tacticus 11.13 ff. Demosthenes notes the hostility of Corcyra in Dem. 24.202 and Dem. 18.234.
326 These Boeotian historians are to us mere names. No fragments exist.
327 See chap. 1.6.